فصلنامه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 55 (تابستان 1400)

Resistance economics, as one of the most important theories expressed by the leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Khamenei, encompasses various cultural dimensions that need to be examined from the perspective of public education. Therefore, the main purpose of this study is to investigate the role and position of public education in the implementation of resistance economics. According to the purpose of the present study, the question that arises is: In what ways can public education lead to the realization of the resistance economy desired by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution? And what are the most important components of public education in the field of implementing resistance economics? Findings show that promoting the Islamic-Iranian lifestyle, reforming the consumption pattern, promoting the discourse of supporting domestic production, economic piety and hope of the media are the most important indicators of public education to implement the resistance economy. Paying attention to the Islamic-Iranian lifestyle and using religious rulings to implement the resistance economy through the family, print and visual media can improve the consumption pattern at the family level and be considered a model for the general public. In addition, economic piety and relying on the promotion of domestic products is a way to implement a resistance economy. The method used in this research is the content analysis of the words of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, which is specifically stated in the field of resistance economics.

The purpose of this study is to compare environmental requirements in upstream oil and gas contracts in Iran with emphasis on contracts after the Islamic Revolution. The main question is what are the environmental requirements in the upstream oil and gas contracts after the Islamic Revolution and what are the positive achievements of the Islamic Revolution in this area? This article uses a descriptive-analytical method, through library studies and documentary studies, to study the environmental requirements of upstream oil and gas contracts after the Islamic Revolution and analyze its evolution compared to pre-revolutionary contracts. The adoption and promulgation of general environmental policies by the Supreme Leader, including fifteen advanced policies, is the greatest environmental achievement in this field. Comparing IPC environmental considerations with the Oil Law of 1974 shows that the requirements of that law are general, incomplete and inefficient and are not comparable to the leading environmental issues of the IPC model.

The main purpose of this study is a comparative study of the position of Iranian teachers in the political systematization of the Islamic Caliphate and the specialized administrative and organizational cadres before the revolution in systematization in the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran. have been. The purpose of this article is to compare the two historical periods and their systematization patterns to show how the continuation of the political tradition can maintain the administrative-bureaucratic structures of society or cause functional disorders in society by interrupting political traditions and institutions. The approach of the article is historical-comparative and the documentary method is used to collect data. The article concludes that the process of state-building after the revolutionary developments required some structural continuities that were not possible in their absence. On this basis, the establishment of a new political order was not possible except by applying the political experience of specialized cadres of institutions and organizations of the modern government, which could be used with the insight and careful consideration of the intellectuals of the revolution, including Imam Khomeini. Undoubtedly, in the absence of such a possibility, the process of developing political order in post-revolutionary Iran would be flawed and would probably create unexpected and unresolved crises.

The subject of this article is to examine the status of confession in political and press crimes (of a political nature) by looking at electronic evidence and cyberspace. The main question of the article is that the electronic evidence regarding the confession of the accused to a misdemeanor can be positive evidence regarding his guilt? The research hypothesis has been that electronic evidence can also have a positive aspect. The study, by examining the various contents of the issue, has concluded that although electronic evidence can also be used to oversee the defendant's confession to a misdemeanor, given the conditions set out in the general discussion and the evidence to prove the case and the laws in question. The criminal aspect Due to the principle of narrow interpretation, many of these reasons lose their confessional aspect. The research method in this article is qualitative of descriptive-analytical type and the data have been collected and analyzed in the form of receipts and through a library.

Shiite and Sunni political thought has differences and similarities. The main purpose of the leading study is a comparative study of the theory of Velayat-e-Faqih in the thought of Imam Khomeini, and the theory of the Caliphate in the thought of the Muslim Brotherhood, which is specifically focused on the Morsi period. The question of the present study is that what are the most important differences in the theories of Velayat-e-Faqih in the thought of Imam Khomeini and the political current of the Muslim Brotherhood? The findings of the study indicate the rejection of the constitutional system based on secular law in Imam Khomeini's thought and its acceptance by the Muslim Brotherhood during the time of Mohamed Morsi, the rejection of the non-Islamic model as a desirable society in Imam Khomeini's thought and the acceptance of the secular model by Turkey. The Muslim Brotherhood, Imam Khomeini's pervasive unity, in contrast to Morsi's fragile Islamism, and Morsi's acceptance of some secular principles are the most important differences between the two theories. The method used in the present study is a comparative method that is descriptive-analytical.

One of the ways to achieve the attitude of societies towards women and their position among ethnicities is to study the cultural and religious customs and traditions among different ethnic groups. One of these ethnicities is the Baluchis. Among the Baloch, women have a special place. Baloch women have always spared no effort in living in harmony with men, and in this way they are known for their hard work, such as after the revolution, the widespread presence of women in political positions such as governor, district, The mayor, etc. is remarkable. Sistan and Baluchestan province is one of the provinces that has the most political positions of women in the country. The aim of this study was to investigate the empowerment and active participation of Baloch women in economic, political and social activities in Sistan and Baluchestan province after the Islamic Revolution by descriptive-survey method. The statistical sample of the study included 210 Baloch women social activists who were selected by simple random sampling. A questionnaire was used to collect data and one-sample t-test and descriptive analysis were used to analyze the data. The results of this study indicate that the cultural and educational structure of Sistan and Baluchestan region has a significant role in the low participation of Baloch women. The cultural and social structure has the most and educational barriers have the least role in the participation of Baloch women in social, political and economic activities.

The market has always been known as one of the influential institutions in the political and social developments of Iran. This article has been written with the aim of examining its role in the political and social currents after the revolution in Iran. In the presidential elections, he has examined seven periods from 1979 to 1997. The research method used in this article is descriptive-analytical method, and the selected theoretical framework is institutionalism. The authors have finally come to the conclusion that despite the open space for participation and competition of market-selected candidates and specifically the Islamic Coalition delegations during the various elections from 1979 to 1997, this institution and its affiliated currents have a marginal presence. They have mainly been formal in the elections and have never sought to seriously compete with other candidates, and have merely retained their position in economic management positions in the various cabinets formed.

The present article examines the strategic position of the Caspian Sea and its impact on relations between Iran and Russia through two important historical periods: 1) World War II until the victory of the Islamic Revolution; 2) From the Islamic Revolution until today. The main question of the article is: the position of the Caspian Sea and especially its strategic and geopolitical position, why and how it has played a major role in shaping relations between Iran and Russia? The hypothesis can be based on this: In addition to sharing objective interests in the Caspian Sea, such as oil and gas resources and maintaining security and strong relations with the other three Caspian states, ideological components, including challenging US power and hegemony in The formation of these relations became especially important after the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The results of the research show that there has not always been a rigid definition of the Caspian Sea periphery and the formation of interests based on the same definition; On the contrary, the tumultuous relations between Iran and Russia, especially in the Caspian Basin, have been based on the understanding of strategic proximity on the one hand and the redefinition of these interests on the other. The research method in this article is to collect sources and documents in a library method and analyze the data.

Currently, the Persian Gulf, as one of the most polluted aquatic ecosystems, is 47 times more polluted than the water of other seas in the world, and this has put the environment of this region in serious danger. In order to address this vital issue, the present article seeks to answer the question that based on Carl Dodge's theory of regional convergence and its indicators, how can Iran's environmental policies in the Persian Gulf be explained? In other words, this study will clarify to what extent Iran's environmental policies are aimed at strengthening convergence with other governments in the Persian Gulf region, and to what extent has the issue of regional convergence been considered by policymakers in environmental protection policies? The hypothesis of this research is that the concept of convergence is not a priority in the upstream documents and five-year development plans of the country, and this concept is not very important in the country's macro-policy.

The present article examines and studies the social media marketing and social identity of the brand in the Iranian clothing industry with emphasis on the criteria of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution. The main question of the article is: Does the marketing of the clothing industry, as one of the distinctive features in today's world of economics and management, meet the criteria of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution? And by considering these criteria, will social media marketing and social identity of brands be able to play an effective role in promoting national and indigenous patterns of clothing and lifestyle of people in society? The hypothesis that can be made on this basis is: In the Iranian clothing industry, which is based on the emphasis on cultural identity, especially in the era of rapid globalization, there is a reciprocal relationship between social media and brands in the field of marketing. The results show that the criteria in the approvals of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution as the highest cultural institution in the field of clothing, can use marketing as a powerful tool to create a culture in the field of clothing and lifestyle of people in accordance with established principles.

This article seeks to compare the structural barriers to the formation of parties in Iran and the United States comparatively. The main question that this research seeks to answer is what factors and components are considered as common obstacles in the formation of parties in Iran and the United States? The research hypothesis is also based on the fact that both countries have structural barriers such as electoral and governmental structure in the formation of parties, although there are structural differences between them. Since the emergence of democratic societies, parties have been an integral part of political analysis. However, there are always obstacles to forming parties. To overcome obstacles, they must first be identified. This study is based on the theory of political institutionalism. The findings of this study show that "electoral council", "primary election" and "psychological structure" are the main obstacles for parties in the United States. In Iran, these barriers include "absolute power structure", "inconsistency between political and economic development", "partisanship of parties", "weakness of civil society", and "influential groups". The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the data is collected in the form of library and internet by taking fish.

This article examines the causes and manner of "dependence" in the foreign policy of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi with emphasis on the Nixon-Kissinger bipartisan policy. The main hypothesis of the article is that the Shah's foreign policy in the doctrine in question was based on the Shah's conception of national identity and the formation of a national government, which led to the alliance and full dependence on the United States and eventually the fall of this government. The research data show that the Shah tried to form a national and unified national government based on the three elements of secularism, archeology and westernism in a bipolar world. Such a government, in the Shah's view, required full armaments through the United States, which was achieved, especially after the Nixon Doctrine. This was ultimately one of the heels of the second Pahlavi Achilles and the revolutionaries' criticism of it, which led to the fall of the monarchy and the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The research method in this article is qualitative descriptive-analytical and the data has been collected and analyzed through library and receipt.

Nasr refers to tradition, laws and nomenclature that originate from the divine origin, regardless of time and place, are different from customs, habits and everything that brings to mind the color and meaning of antiquity and wear and tear. Tradition, in this sense, confronts modernism as a philosophical system and humanism, which presents the absolute truth not on God but on a human level. The article seeks to answer two questions. First, what is the relationship between tradition and modernism based on the four logical genealogies from Nasr's point of view? Second, how is his thinking reflected in politics and government? In order of the mentioned questions, two hypotheses can be proposed. First, the relationship between tradition and modernism is contrasting. Second, the reflection of Nasr's thought in politics and government is fundamentalism in its unconventional sense. The research method is descriptive-analytical, which has been compiled by collecting data through documentary and library sources. The results show that tradition and modernism are fundamentally different from each other in terms of paradigm, and from the heart of tradition in the political arena, only a traditional and fundamentalist government will emerge, but in its unconventional sense.

This article examines the place of structural changes in the formation of women's organizations in the Pahlavi period and the Islamic Revolution. The hypothesis of the article is that with a comparative approach, structural changes in the Pahlavi period have led to the selectivity and governmental nature of women's organizations, while in the Islamic Republic, the possibility of discourse diversity in the formation of women's organizations is evident. The results of the research show that the first and second Pahlavi tried to orient women's parties towards non-political components and under the guidance of their trustees. Similarly, women's organizations in the post-revolutionary period on the one hand have been in line with Islamic ideals and values, and on the other hand, in addition to organizations grown in the context of the ruling discourse in the country, has emerged from non-governmental discourses such as secularism. اند. Therefore, due to the more open political atmosphere in the Islamic Republic, unlike the Pahlavi era, women's organizations succeeded in obtaining political and managerial positions and even parliamentary and ministerial positions. The research method in this article is qualitative descriptive-analytical and the data is collected in a library method and by taking a fish.

The present study seeks to examine the causes of passivity of political elites in the second Pahlavi period and to show its impact on the crisis of efficiency and accountability. Accordingly, the question of the present study is: What factors influenced the passivity of political elites in the Pahlavi period and what effect did it have on the crisis of efficiency and accountability in the period of Mohammad Reza Shah? The hypothesis is: Mohammad Reza Shah's psychological characteristics such as the need for obedience, submission and acceptance of flatterers on the one hand and ideological alignment, common class and group interests of instrumental political elites, on the other hand cause the passivity of critical political elites and increase the gap between the masses and Was ruled. In fact, the findings of the present study from an elite perspective point to the gap between the political elites in society and the people and their connection with the Pahlavi government apparatus, which ultimately led to the expansion of government distance from the public interest and destroys government accountability. Which eventually led to a crisis of efficiency and accountability. Mohammad Reza Shah's psychological characteristics are another factor in the crisis of accountability due to narcissism and social approval by the instrumental elites. The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method, which finally collects information in a documentary and library manner and examines the issue from an analytical perspective.

Not every law and rule that enters the world of law is independent of the judgment of reason and justice. Has there been compensation? In fact, justice is considered as an element with the concept of neutrality in civil rights and the proportionality of compensation for damages. The only infringing rule is the proportionality of the agreement between the parties, with which justice has no problem, provided that the parties to the contract are in an equal position, and as soon as there is inequality or abuse of the terms of one of the parties, justice enters and ignores the agreement. The application of the rule of neutrality applies the proportion between the damage and the intended damage. As a result, justice, with its broad role, creates the potential for flexibility in the laws and agreements of the parties to the contract. In the discussion of compensation, the view of proportionality and impartiality of justice has been considered that this concept can even go beyond the agreement of the parties and appear in the expression of justice above the law. As a result, this theory also assumes the pillar of legitimacy and validation of laws.

The question of the present study is what are the components of the duties of governance in the Islamic system in the field of human rights? And what strategy has the Islamic government taken to expand and deepen the teachings of human rights? The hypothesis of the article is based on: the responsibility of protection as a doctrine of the new generation of government, the protection of the internal rights of citizens in Islamic society, attention to the right to life and its components, and the responsibility to protect members of society against foreign aggression and threats. It pays attention to the components of human rights in the Islamic system. Modeling Islamic human rights through educating citizens, establishing and launching a national human rights institution, interacting and synergizing internal and external bodies in charge of Islamic human rights, and allocating the necessary resources to educate and explain the rights of the new generation, including the right to the environment, the right to Education of children and women, the right to health, the right to human security and the right to benefit from information and awareness are among the strategies that the government in the Islamic system can use in connection with the spread of human rights. The method used in this article is a descriptive and analytical method based on documentary sources and libraries.

In the Islamic school of economics, usury has been declared one of the most reprehensible economic methods and forbidden, and the same approach has been considered in other Islamic economic systems, including the resistance economy. On the other hand, considering that every economic system has social dimensions, the present study seeks to examine the social consequences of respect in the model of resistance economy. Therefore, the question of the present study is what are the social consequences of usury in a resistance economy? In other words, what are the social consequences of using negation and sanctity of usury in a resistance economy? The hypothesis of the article is: counteracting the multiplication of wealth and denying class distance, fighting oppression and corruption in society and also preventing imbalances in the social system are among the social consequences of usury in the resistance economy according to Ayatollah Khamenei. The results show that economic models play an important role in society and if the economic practices of society based on usury continue, social problems and issues such as class distance, aristocracy and luxury, deviations in the social system and moral vices on affairs. They master. Also, the religion of Islam is based on moderation and justice, and usury destroys justice and moderation. Eliminating the social effects of usury requires eliminating this method in the economic relations of individuals in society, which today is the duty of the judiciary, which can be a part of the general policies of the resistance economy by referring to the principles of the constitution and acting on religious rulings. Implementing interest-free banking is one of the basic strategies for denying and sanctifying usury in the Islamic society. The present study was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and citing books and articles related to the discussion and especially referring to the statements of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Khamenei.

The present study optimizes the privatization process in the years after the Islamic Revolution of Iran according to the type of real options. In recent years, privatization in Iran has not achieved the desired result. Considering the effect of privatization on the financial performance of Government-owned Companies before and after privatization, what is clear is that the share income of companies and the return on assets and capital of companies have not changed after privatization and in general the performance of companies has not changed after privatization. In this research, the study method was performed qualitatively. In this way, by interviewing financial experts and executives of Government-owned Companies, interviews were conducted and the results of the interviews were analyzed using MAXQDA 2020 software and coding was done. The most important findings of the research show that due to the dynamics of the conditions governing economic and financial activities and consequently increasing the risk of decision-making in the field of investment, we need more advanced valuation methods that can provide more information than traditional methods. Therefore, the method of real options was used as a complementary method along with traditional valuation. Types of real options used in Government-owned Companies, including expansion or abandonment of the project, and large project managers cannot easily exercise the authority to abandon or expand due to uncertainty. Therefore, the most important components influencing the choice of real options are the value of the company, uncertainty (return fluctuations) and investment costs and denoted price. The results show that the use of the above method shows valuable information from different dimensions of risk and its effect on the financial justification of many strategic decisions of firms at any given time. The results of evaluating the traditional method with the real options method indicate that the net value obtained from the real options approach is higher than the traditional method.

One of the important issues in the field of political jurisprudence is the role and position of expediency in managing the affairs of the Islamic society. Given the establishment of the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on political jurisprudence, the rule of expediency plays an important role in the minds of its leaders. Specifically, the leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei, have used this jurisprudential rule to solve the problems of Islamic society. Therefore, it is worthwhile in this study to examine the place of expediency in the political thought of the leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present study raises the question of what is the principle of expediency in the opinions of the leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on what goals are important in the administration of the Islamic society? The hypothesis that can be put forward is that the rule of expediency is a solution to solve the problems of the Islamic system at home and abroad, which has no purpose other than considering the public interests of society and moving on the basis of balance and protection of public interests. Findings show that there are similarities between balance meaning the centrality of public interests and the rule of expediency with the focus on defending the public interest. Accordingly, solving the problems and difficulties of the Islamic society based on the recognition of the leader of the Islamic society can be justified only if the public interests are observed, avoidance of arbitrariness and also the basis of Sharia as a support for the desirable behavior and demands of the people. In Imam Khomeini's political behavior, the appointment of some people to key positions or preventing the appointment of some others, the establishment of the Expediency Council, and in the political behavior of Ayatollah Khamenei, entering into the issue of amending the press law, prevention From performing Hajj during the days of Corona, the focus of which is to defend the public interest and preserve the Islamic system. The theoretical framework used in the present study is the equilibrium approach belonging to Roberto Alexi and the research method is descriptive-analytical and the use of library and documentary sources are among the statements of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution.