فصلنامه مطالعات بنیادین و کاربردی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 8 (تابستان 1400)

The usual way for most countries to set important national security priorities is to provide strategic documentation. These strategic documents are derived from the specific strategic culture of the same country, and therefore are not fundamentally different from their past strategies, and have only taken different priorities according to internal and external requirements. Whether the strategies are formally formulated in a document and made available to the public or referred to by government leaders in their speeches, they have two important functions: goal-setting and problem-solving. It shows each country's perception or worldview of the world, its place in it, possible goals and aspirations, and appropriate policies to achieve those goals.The Zionist regime has a territorial claim to its surroundings and seeks to expand its territory and sphere of national power, in order to increase its strategic depth. Israel's actions in recent years show that the actor has a confrontational approach and, given its geostrategic position and strategic culture, pursues an aggressive approach towards its neighbors and the region. Given that the policies and orientations of this actor can affect the regional security system and directly and indirectly on Iran's national security, it is necessary to refer to the strategic documents of this regime, to understand the components and strategic structures of national security of this actor. Accordingly, it is necessary to review the strategic documents and understand the perceptions and security priorities of this actor. Therefore, the research question is, how is the content of the strategic documents of the Zionist Regime?The nature of this descriptive-analytical research is from type a qualitative case study and the method of qualitative content analysis has been used to investigate the subject. The statistical population of this project is the recent strategic documents of the Zionist Regime. To investigate this issue, an attempt has been made to extract basic concepts from the existing literature and strategic documents. The five main categories used in this study include "Strategic Perspective", "Interests and Objectives", "Threats", "Tools" and "Methods of Action", and the number of sub-categories 14 and sub-categories of level two 58  is the case. Therefore, based on these main and sub-categories an attempt has been made to codify and analyze the three documents of the Zionist regime, including the National Security Strategy, Eisenkot Strategy and Military Strategy.The Zionist regime emphasizes on threats "conventional-military" such as the possibility of military operations by government actors, especially Iran, Lebanon, failed governments, and Syria with widespread conflict. as well as emphasizes threats "civilian-nonviolent and violent" such as anti-Israel sentiments for The denial of the legitimacy of the Jewish state, the promotion of economic boycotts against Israel, the growing asymmetric threat and serious damage by terrorist organizations, as well as the spread of terrorist force in densely populated areas of ownerless lands. This regime in the tools to "military and intelligence tools" and in how to use the tools is focused to "readiness and subdue" in the approach and to "unilateralism or false multilateralism" in methods of action.In general, the worldview of the Zionist regime is based on Hobbesian culture and hostility. Where there is a highly pessimistic view of the environment and the future, and in the event of war, it recognizes no boundaries for violence. Using active and preemptive strikes to achieve strategic victory and balance change, destroying the capabilities of Hezbollah and Hamas by destroying its forces, inflicting heavy damage on NGOs and destroying their infrastructure, and creating focused efforts to counter and neutralize unconventional weapons, Is one of the characteristics of the Hobbesian worldview of the Zionist regime. As well as, the revisionism of the Zionist regime's policies is another feature of this worldview. So that the Zionist regime uses, even in a normal situation (one of the triple situations of "normal, emergency and war"), a set of defensive and offensive measures, military and civilian, overt and covert to prevent the development of enemy capabilities and reduce freedom of action.

As a link between the three continents of the world, the West Asian geographic tape recorder has formed the geopolitical structure of specific regions that have acquired global strategic importance and is under the influence and domination of global and regional powers, and have experienced numerous actions and interactions. From a geographical point of view, the unique features of West Asia such as the connection of important seas, biological foundations and macro resources, energy, water crisis and hydro political issues, diversity of ethnicities and religions and cultures, features and geographical factors, etc. are in the process of structural change and the geopolitical order of this region has been effective and there have always been changing geopolitical coils in it.The present study aims to identify the pattern of relations between the regional powers of West Asia in the framework of the theory of the world system and the fragile regions of Seoul Cohen. The question of research is what factors affect the pattern of relations between regional powers in West Asia. The research hypothesis is that the conflict of geopolitical interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia has led to the stability of the fragility of the region and has created a pattern of instability. The method of this research is descriptive and to deduce the discussion, the data and information required for the research have been collected from library documents and resources.The West Asian region has always witnessed many regional rivalries, but in the meantime, the rivalries between Iran and Saudi Arabia are of special importance due to their ideology and geopolitical reflections. Throughout history, Iran and Saudi Arabia have sought to increase their influence in the region, and the reflection of these relations for the region has been largely accompanied by competition and tension.The ups and downs of Iran-Saudi Arabia relations during the four decades after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, based on three levels of nature, behavior and positions, show that these relations have always been in an unstable state. The rise to power of Mohammad bin Salman, who played a key role in deciding to invade Yemen militarily, indicates a more aggressive approach to Iran. The basis of this policy is to prevent Iran from increasing its power in the region. In fact, Saudi foreign policy blames Iran for many of the West Asian region's political and security problems. The principles of this policy are the result of Saudi Arabia's strategic needs in the new situation in the region. The policy aims to remove Bashar al-Assad from Syria, curb Iran's nuclear program, prevent Iran from gaining power in the region, weaken Shiite militias in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen and define them as terrorist groups, establish a Palestinian state, and work the global scale has been set up to destroy ISIS and al-Qaeda, Saudi Arabia's main strategy towards the region, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran is preventing the transformation of a regional multipolar order into a unipolar system centered on itself through balancing. The main principles and goals of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy, which are aimed at maintaining the security and national interests of this country, can be categorized into the five main axes of hegemony in the periphery or the Arabian Peninsula, regional balancing in West Asia, international coalition building and anti-democracy. In Riyadh's view, the 2006 war between Hezbollah and Israel shifted the regional balance in Iran's favor. Regional rivalries between Iran and Saudi Arabia have increased significantly in recent years in sensitive regions, in other words, sensitive states, including Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Bahrain and Yemen, to protect regional allies and create insecurity in the regions. Outsiders are considered as the main strategies of the parties.The study showed that during the four decades after the Islamic Revolution in Iran, conflicting and tense geopolitical interests have led the two countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia to increasing competition and confrontation. However, the two countries have the capacity and grounds to establish interactive relations. However, the current situation in the region is such that basically any territorial approach will face costly and deadlocked tensions and there is no prospect of hegemony in West Asia. Costs will pave the way for wider intervention by supra-regional powers in regional relations. The two countries have the ability to redirect interactions based on shared interests and use existing capacities to cooperate and assist in regional security management.

With the emergence of the Chinese New Silk Road, as the most important international geo-economics initiative, the power arrangement of the geopolitics of greater Eurasia and its coastal waters, particularly the Indian Ocean, are subject to a great change. Comprised of the land-based Belt and the Maritime Road, the "New Silk Road", also known as 'One Belt One Road' or ‘Belt Road Initiative (BRI)', is a major manifestation of the Chinese power projection beyond its borders. Along with the United States of America, Delhi leaders have expressed their resentment towards the Maritime Road as the BRI could encircle their country by utilizing the ‘String of Pearls’; a very strategic term referring to the network of Chinese military and commercial facilities and investment ports along its sea lines of communication, which extend from the China’s mainland to Port Sudan in the Horn of Africa. Not surprisingly, India has reacted to the BRI by crafting their new grand strategy called Mausam to contain both belt and road. As the most ambitious Indian megaproject in the contemporary world, Delhi aims at rebuilding maritime and economic connections with the thirty-nine countries bordering the Indian Ocean. Among its major initial plans, this strategy has so far been manifested in two sea-land roads: the Kaladan Road and the Cotton Road. While the former connects Kolkata in the East of India to the South East of Asia through Myanmar’s port of Sittwe, the latter makes ties between Mumbai and West Asia through the Iranian port of Chabahar on the shore of the Gulf of Oman. Indeed, it is the Cotton Road that has a strategic potential to contain the land-based belt by providing a fertile ground for Indian influence in Central Asia and Afghanistan. Located at a geostrategic position in the southwestern rim land between the Persian Gulf and the classic Heartland, in Mackinderian terminology, Iran would be a centrally geopolitical bridge between India and Eurasia. From this point of view, the present article sets forth a new understanding of major driving forces lurking beneath the strategy of Mausam and its following impact on Iran's national interests. "What are the factors shaping the Indian grand strategy of Mausam?" This is the pivotal question that guides the analytical narrative of the present article. The article highlights the fact that Chinese and Indian increasing leverage in West Asia has raised regional ‘Road Diplomacy’; a concept that shows the impact of diplomatic actions in shaping the trajectory of international and regional roads while, at the same time, revealing the consequences of these roads on states’ diplomatic decisions and strategies. The recent emergence of several economic corridors comprised of regional and international transport networks and massive infrastructure investment has brought this concept to the fore in West Asia. In following, the article sheds light on the impact of India's presence in West Asia, in general, and Iran, in particular, by explicating the role of Mausam. Furthermore, the present article details India's special action in response to China and its policies in the periphery of Iran while the scope of Delhi policies under this new-crafted strategy in the region will also be examined. Finally, the present article briefly shows how this grand strategy affects Iran's national interests. In brief, the article argues that Iran’s geostrategic location has framed the country as a key player in the implementation of the Indian Mausam. Combined with the Chinese interests in including Iran to its BRI, along with the US ongoing sanctions on Tehran, Tehran-Delhi cooperation on the Mausam will reconfigure the geopolitics of the region with a huge ramification for the power arrangement of the West Asia.

In the new conditions of the international system, the Islamic Republic of Iran is at the forefront of the fight against domestic and foreign tyranny among the countries of the world.  First, by dismantling the foundations of tyranny at the domestic level and also by stabilizing the holy system of the Islamic Republic of Iran after many internal and external problems against it, discussion of the deepening of the Islamic Revolution of Iran within the Islamic Republic and with the aim of increasing the strategic depth of the Islamic Republic.  Beyond its borders in other countries, efforts to propagate, promote and institutionalize the political, social, and cultural values ​​of the Islamic Revolution to other Islamic nations have been given priority.  In this way, the Islamic Republic of Iran is trying to introduce the Islamic Revolution of Iran as a representation and inspiration to other Islamic nations.  However, in order for the Islamic Revolution of Iran to take root among Muslims and nations of other countries, it is necessary to establish increasing relations with the important centers and institutions of the target countries.  The phenomenon is known as the deepening of the Islamic Revolution. Accordingly, one of the important tools that can be effective today due to its nature and functions, goes back to the subject of media.  Due to the advances in communication technologies, the media today transcends geographical boundaries and expands communication in a transnational and global way. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explain the role of the media in the issue of exporting the revolution.  In line with this goal, this question arises: what is the connection relation between the media and the deepening of the Islamic Revolution of Iran?.  In response to the research question, it is hypothesized that the media, and especially modern social media, can promote the deepening of the Islamic Revolution according to the capabilities they have in terms of information volume, scope and speed of dissemination and dissemination in the form of induction, persuasion,  public nations, imagery, making connections, creating charm, etc. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine, analyze and explain the relationship between the three variables of media, persuasion and deepening the Islamic Revolution of Iran using an explanatory analytical approach.  In accordance with this method, this research seeks to analyze, combine and interpret them based on the collected data.  The data were collected based on the documentary method and with reference to library resources, books, magazines, articles, newspapers, documents, databases, websites and media. Research Findings show that there is a significant relationship between research variables.  In this way, in the new and future international conditions, media capabilities through functions such as illustration and creating attractiveness around the goals and values ​​of the revolution, convincing public opinion and creating communication links in homogeneous and heterogeneous environments can increase the radius of power and influence of the Islamic Revolution. .  In general, the research finding indicates that the media with the special capabilities that are found in it, can be effective in achieving basic goals such as increasing the effectiveness of the Islamic Revolution in the environment.

With the severance of ties between Saudi Arabia and several countries in the region with Qatar in 2017, the Persian Gulf region entered a complex political crisis. Analysts cite several reasons for the crisis; In the meantime, these measures seem to be, above all, the result of Doha's success in its foreign policy and its emergence as an important regional player alongside traditional Middle Eastern actor. In response to the question of how Qatar's use of soft power in foreign policy has affected the formation of the Gulf crisis, in this article we found that the Qatar government has been using soft power as an effective tool of politics since 2011. It is independent of the traditional powers of the region.Qatar is one of the countries that has been able to increase its importance and influence from a small country and a particle to an active level in the region and even effective participation in international coalitions in recent years, especially after 2011, and has played a role beyond its position and capacity, It has been able to play an active role at the regional level while ensuring its security and stability. The extent of events in the geographical area of ​​the region indicates the influence of Qatar's foreign policy. In fact, given the inherent vulnerability of this country, including low population and manpower, small size and small Gulf countries under the protection of Saudi Arabia and its two strengths, namely wealth and media, we can say that this country has been able to achieve many successes. In recent years. In the last decade, Qatar has been able to make good use of its soft power components, such as funding, powerful tools of Al Jazeera television, active public diplomacy and strong ties with world powers, and despite its power constraints, it has emerged as a major regional player.. Of course, this active presence in regional crises and trends has also caused problems for this country, such as the severance of political relations and economic sanctions by several Arab countries in the region in 2017, which is referred to as the Persian Gulf crisis. According to many experts, the crisis in Qatar's relations with these countries is the result of its success in foreign policy and its transformation into an influential actor alongside other traditional actors in the region, including Saudi Arabia and the Foreign policy in which soft power is one of the most important tools. The question is, what tools and capacities does Qatar use to benefit from soft power? And what effect does Qatar's success have in using soft power tools which created a crisis in its relations with other Arab countries in the region? In this research, by descriptive-analytical method and with the assumption that Qatar accurately and calculated use of soft power tools, as one of the main reasons for the success of the country's foreign policy and consequently one of the main differences in Doha's relations with Riyadh and other Arab countries sanctioning Doha, let us analyze the reasons for the formation of these differences. It is important to answer this question in the light of the fact that research on the crisis in Saudi-Qatari relations has so far failed to address the extent to which Qatar enjoys soft power and its impact on the formation and intensification of the crisis.According to Joseph Nye, soft power has always been an important element of leadership. Leadership is intertwined with power, and leaders must have accurate estimates of the types of power they use. "Power has never been created from barrels of gunpowder," says Nye, a leader who ignores the importance of soft power. For a country like Qatar with low hardware capabilities, because of its small size and population, using soft power tools is the best choice to advance foreign policy. In general, the security forces, the traditional and great powers of the region, which themselves are competing with other great regional and supra-regional powers in order to advance the goals of national foreign policy, do not accept the presence of emerging powers. Qatar's entry into regional games, especially after the Islamic Awakening, and its success in advancing its goals through tools such as active diplomacy, the use of media, alliances with regional and supra-regional opposition poles, and financial support for opposition groups in any case. With the foreign policy of the traditional powers in the region, caused tensions between the country and Saudi Arabia. Of course, what happened in the form of the severance of relations between Saudi Arabia and several Arab countries with Qatar in 2017 was, above all, due to the ideological divide between the Salafis and the Brotherhood between the two countries. The division, which has manifested itself in the form of financial and media support, especially after 2011 in Qatar's support for Hamas in Gaza, Morsi in Egypt, pro-Turkish armed groups in Syria and Libya. Tensions that escalated into a political and economic crisis on the part of Saudi Arabia and several other countries eventually led to the severance of diplomatic relations. Investigating the causes of the crisis in Qatar-Saudi Arabia relations, some of which are referred to as the Persian Gulf earthquake, as well as looking at the conditions that these countries have set for the lifting of sanctions against Qatar, confirms well that Saudi Arabia wants to cut off soft power. Qatar is thereby removing the country from the regional equation as an emerging rival. This is primarily due to Qatar's success in using soft power tools to make it an important player in the tense Middle East region, as well as the importance of soft power as a powerful and effective tool in foreign policy, away from traditional power principles such as military sophistication and Shows large crowds.

There are significant differences between Oman's foreign policy compared to others Persian Gulf Arab state, and Omani politicians have demonstrated a unique foreign policy in addressing the challenges of the Middle East. In the Iraq-Iran war, Oman's political leaders, unlike other Persian Gulf  states, did not line up to support Iraq and sought to maintain relations with both sides in the war. After the challenge in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, this country has maintained its relations with other Arab countries on the Persian Gulf at the level of diplomatic relations. Unlike most countries in the Persian Gulf region, Oman not only did not call for a diplomatic embargo on Egypt after the Camp David Accords, but also tried to pave the way for its return to the Arab world. After the so-called Arab Spring upheavals and the diplomatic crisis in relations between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, Oman has not only opposed the Qatar embargo, but has also tried to end the crisis while maintaining relations with both sides. One of the most important factors that has caused Oman to behave differently in foreign policy compared to other Persian Gulf countries is its identity. Because the identity of countries has an important role in the foreign policy of countries. Accordingly, this study examines the question of how identity has affected Oman's foreign policy?. Examines the hypothesis that Omani identity has influenced the country's foreign policy by accepting pluralism and has led to a neutral and mediated approach.Among the concepts that are selected as focal concepts in foreign policy, the concept of identity has a special place. In a general definition, identity refers to the distinctiveness of an actor. To understand the behavior of different actors, including countries, one can obtain valuable information by focusing on the identity of the actor. Becausse identity is the motivating factor for international actors. To determine how identity affects the foreign policy of countries, the value approach can be used as a framework for action, The three components of value, priority and foreign policy actions are the most important focal concepts of this analytical approach. In this approach, in order to explain the causal actions, priority is placed between values and foreign policy actions. In other words, value determines the priority of a particular action in foreign policy. The value perceived by decision makers leads them to choose a particular priority in foreign policy.Oman has the majority of Ibadi religion. Ibadia has full tolerance towards other religions, cultures and even other sections within Islam as a strong pillar in its spiritual, moral and cultural orientations.  Accordingly, the Ibadiyya religion helped create a culture of tolerance and social cohesion in Oman. Oman's identity has facilitated many diplomatic initiatives and mediation, and identity diversity has provided the potential for the country to play a mediating role in regional crises.