فصلنامه مطالعات بنیادین و کاربردی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 9 (پاییز 1400)

The word fundamentalism is usually associated with the meaning of traditionalism and contrary to the discourse of modernity, and in the sense of returning to the original principles and the great era of the past, referring to the text of the book and tradition. Salafism is one of the contemporary sects, sometimes referred to as Islamic fundamentalists. Contemporary Salafi fundamentalists are divided into three sects: the Salafi fundamentalists of Africa, the Salafi fundamentalists of the Hejaz and Yemen, and the Salafi fundamentalists of the Indian subcontinent. Among these, the Salafis of the Indian subcontinent are the least known. They are parts of the subcontinent Salafis in the eastern neighborhood of Iran, whose deep knowledge is more necessary from a security and cultural point of view, especially in the current situation with the Taliban. Our aim in this study is to provide a definition of fundamentalism and explain the main elements of Salafi fundamentalism in eastern Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytical. The results show that contemporary Salafi fundamentalists are not a uniform movement with common beliefs. These movements have potentials that, depending on their interactions with others, can be an opportunity or a threat. Some of these characteristics and positive aspects of Eastern fundamentalists are their view of the global arrogance of the United States and Israel, as well as their Sufi and mystical tendencies. Resistance to modern culture and modernity and their anti-Westernism are other distinguishing features of the fundamentalists of Afghanistan and Pakistan. The tendency towards Abu Hanifa and Abu Mansour al-Matridi has created an opportunity for rational dialogue and the acceptance of international rational rules among them. The Salafi current, with all its branches and differences, has been and is a living, dynamic and influential current in the Islamic society. however, the subcontinent Salafist current has a different place. Despite its history, breadth and antiquity, and the dependence of a large population on it in the eastern part of the Islamic world, it has not been given the attention it deserves. Most studies have focused on the Salafi currents in Egypt and the Hejaz. Perhaps the unfamiliarity of researchers with languages ​​such as Urdu, Pashtun and Hindu and the non-translation of these works into Persian, Arabic and English are the reasons for this lack of attention. The Indian subcontinent is one of the demographic and ideological poles of the Islamic world. The Indian subcontinent, like Egypt, has long been the center of change and the origin of reformist or extremist ideas. The political, social and religious condition of the subcontinent, in general and Pakistan in particular, has become a source of conflict between Islamic religions after the division of the subcontinent with the intervention of the Hejazi Wahhabis, so much so that extremist Wahhabi Salafis consider this region their paradise. Wahhabis have made takfir a common practice in the region. Such an atmosphere has been exploited most of all by Saudi extremist Salafism, which makes good use of it by trying to converge the existing Salafi movements in the region. The need for a deep understanding of contemporary Salafis, especially sub-continental Salafis, the need to pay attention to the ideological and theoretical issues of the Middle Eastern people, which in turn leads to political and military issues and actions, the need for inter-sectarian and inter-religious issues, and opposition to the Shiites and the re-emergence of fundamentalists such as the Taliban in eastern Iran, as well as the need to recognize them, are factors that have led to the focus on this issue for research. Iran's several thousand kilometers of neighborhood with these fundamentalists doubles the need for the issue. Numerous articles have been written about the Salafi movement and Wahhabism and the term fundamentalism, but in our search we did not find any research that addressed the issues and elements of Salafi fundamentalists in eastern Iran, so from this point of view the subject of this study is a research gap has it. We chose "fundamentalism" as one of the salient features of this type of movement in order to study it in depth. Hence, the question arises as to what are the elements and elements of the fundamentalism of the Salafis of eastern Iran? We conducted this research by documentary-analytical method. To answer the research question, we first explain the concept of Salafi fundamentalism in Eastern Iran and in the next stage, the main elements and characters of the fundamentalists in Eastern Iran. The results of this study show that current Salafi fundamentalists can be divided into Wahhabi and Najdi fundamentalists, Yemeni fundamentalists, Syrian and Iraqi fundamentalists, Egyptian fundamentalists, and subcontinental and oriental fundamentalists. Contemporary Salafi fundamentalism is not a uniform movement with common beliefs. Their internal differences are such that they have repeatedly confronted each other and excommunicated and massacred each other. Eastern fundamentalists benefit from aspects that, by focusing and highlighting them, make it possible to take advantage of capacity and opportunity in international and cultural interactions. Some of these characteristics and positive aspects of the Eastern fundamentalists are their view of the global arrogance of the United States and Israel, as well as their resistance to modern culture and modernity and their anti-Westernism are other distinguishing features of the fundamentalists of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Having mystical and mystical tendencies is another of their characteristics. The tendency towards Abu Hanifa and Abu Mansour al-Matridi has created an opportunity for rational dialogue and the acceptance of international rational rules among them.

The Syrian crisis following the Arab Spring has been one of the most important events in West Asia since 2011, which, given the importance of Syria's geopolitical and geostrategic position, involves a complex set of political and security equations at home and abroad; The reason for the formation of the Syrian political crisis can be explained in three levels of internal, regional and international analysis. In this regard, at the domestic level, the starting point of the Syrian political crisis was 2011 and the demonstrations were mainly in the small and marginal areas of Syria as variables of the people's demands for Syrian reform, fighting corruption, reform and gaining freedom. They have been active in Syria since the first months of the war in 2011, the intensity of foreign opposition participation has gradually increased, and the crisis has become more complex. The table below summarizes the evolution of the Syrian crisis. So this is not an internal crisis and there were all kinds of regional and trans-regional actors. Since the layers of the conflict in Syria focused on the three layers of internal, regional and trans-regional actors, any real stability in Syria also depended on the coming together of these three forces. More specifically, on the one hand, groups opposed to Bashar al-Assad, such as the Free Syrian Army, militias seceded from the Syrian army in 2011, the Nusra Front, al-Qaeda in Syria, the Islamic Front (a coalition of several Salafi Islamist groups) were supported by the West and the Arabs. On the other hand, the Syrian government, which had the support and presence of forces from Iran, Russia, Iraqi Shiite militias and Hezbollah in Lebanon; Also, while the West focused on the fall of Bashar al-Assad, it opposed the policy of Russia and China in using the veto in the Syrian case, which guided the policy of these two countries to prevent the success of the coalition against Bashar al-Assad. Although this is a field fact, it must be said that one of the reasons for the role of the United Nations in crises was due to the pervasiveness of realist views in international relations, which was reinforced by the public atmosphere after World War II and the re-defeat of legal thought.  Another efficiency and usefulness in resolving international issues The United Nations, as the most common international body with the primary mission of maintaining international peace and security in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, acted to reduce the level of violence and its resolution; Therefore, the importance and necessity of explaining the actions of the United Nations in the largest geopolitical conflict since the end of the Cold War is the main motivation for writing this study. The present article is a descriptive-analytical method in order to respond to this fundamental research on the role and function of UN actions and how effective it has been in resolving the Syrian crisis. In response to this question, the research hypothesis is that although the UN has adopted several resolutions in various stages of the Syrian crisis, the resolution of the Syrian conflict through UN mediation, given the influence of trans-regional actors and the use of vetoes. Concerns about the influence of rival countries in Syria have weakened its performance in the crisis. Also, given the emergence of proxy wars, the formation of international custom by the United Nations in the face of such crises requires the passage of time. Of course, it should be noted that the UN and the Security Council are studying two important points in resolving the Syrian crisis. First, the importance of the Syrian crisis and its strategic position for the major powers will influence the decisions of the Security Council, and second, recognizing the motivation and behavior of the Security Council member forces in relation to the Syrian crisis in the interests of each of these actors. we should know that any decision that will lead to the influence of competitors will take a stand against it. However, regarding the performance of the UN, it can be said that the issuance of several resolutions, such as 2012, Resolution 2043 - Sending UN monitoring groups to Syria; 2012 Resolution 2042 - On the Syrian Civil War, the United Nations sends troops to monitor; 2012 Resolution 2059 - 30-day extension of UN troops in Syria; 2013 Resolution 2118 - Syrian civil war to destroy chemical weapons in Syria; 2014 Resolution 2139 - Syria's civil war Sending humanitarian aid to the country is one of its actions.

The experience of political and economic transformation in Turkey during Ozal's rule was due to economic and political liberalization. Accordingly, understanding the relationship between economic prosperity and political development in this period is the driving force to the Turkish experience in recent years. The study of such a relationship becomes even more important with the beginning of Ozal's premiership in 1983, when economic development emerged as the “Turkish miracle” and political development as the “pro-democratic wave”. Historically, Turkey has witnessed two stages in the development process during the 1924-1993. Thus, with the domination of left-wing parties and ideas, especially the People's Republican Party, during the 1924-1983, economic growth and development in Turkey was unbalanced. Despite a multi-party system alongside military governments during this period, Turkey has not experienced lasting economic and political stability. But under Ozal's administration, in addition to relatively stable economic growth, Turkey witnessed the promotion of democratic standards and relative political stability. In fact, Turkey experienced three republican governments in the twentieth century, during which the government was divided four times between dictatorial systems and democracy. Thus, the rule of Generals and dictatorships (1924-1950), the quasi-democratic government (1950-1960), the rule of Generals and the military (1960-1983), and the establishment of a democratic government (1983-1993) were the dominant political order. In parallel with this political arrangement, economic growth and development in Turkey has been also shocked. Thus, despite the independence war and the problems resulting from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire (1938-1924), the economic trend in Turkey, with the exception of the Great Depression (1930-1933), was somewhat balanced. But during the reign of Ismet Inonu (1938) until the intervention of military forces in politics (1960), Turkey has witnessed an economic catastrophe. After the return of troops to the barracks during 1963-1973, Turkey experienced relative economic growth for eleven years. However, the rise of the era of instability and terror (1980-1974) brought the Turkish economy to the brink of crisis. Finally, the rise of Ozal to power in the 1980s brought a period of economic prosperity to Turkey. By analyzing the trend of development in Turkey during the Ozal’s era, it will be clear that economic and political development was stable. In this period, Kenan Evern as president and Ozal as prime minister were the main actors in Turkish politics until 1989. But Ozal's presidency in 1989, however, coincided with the beginning of the Third Republic in Turkey. Studying Ozal’s administration shows double simultaneous stages of “political-economic development with economic priority and economic pragmatism (1989-1989)” and “political-economic development with the priority of democracy and political reformism (1989-1993)”. The end of seven different periods of rule, from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the beginning of the republic to the transition to an elected government and democracy in the Ozal era, can once again reflect the relationship between economic and political growth and development. During the Ozal era, the trend of economic indicators was upward. This trend followed the implementation of strategic policies of economic stabilization, the employment of extroverted logic, and developmental foreign policy. Moreover, the Turkish economy has emerged from its precarious and fragile position and experienced stability. Furthermore, political development was accompanied with the same trend in this period. So, Not only the freedom of the media and press increased, but political parties were encouraged to operate more freely and competitively. The parliamentary system emerged from a priori dysfunction, and a growing civil society emerged as well. Hence, by paying considerable attention to the Turkish development, the main question is what is the relationship between economic prosperity and political development of Turkey during the 1983-1993? The main idea of the current paper is that economic growth has been relied on the relative progress of the indicators of democratization and political development. Turkey's experience of economic and political development shows that economic development without democracy has been fragile and unstable. Seventy Years of development in Turkey (1993-1924) shows that although authoritarian military rule suppressed dissent and political obstruction, and elected government, despite political instability and economic crises, laid the groundwork for a relative economic rise before the reign of Turgut Ozal, But the fragility and instability of this process made it more harmful than beneficial for Turkey. Finally, despite the short period of Ozal's rule (1993-1993) compared to previous periods, the trend of economic growth and development during the Turgut Ozal era was not only progressive and stable, but also the stability of its economic development was higher than the previous periods.

The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have become a complex and challenging issue due to the current developments, especially after 2011. On the one hand, internal security has become the most important concern of the two parties, especially Saudi Arabia, and on the other hand, regional developments have provided the ground for competition to increase the sphere of influence between the two countries, and more importantly, Saudi Arabia has a greater degree of adherence to international developments than the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially the United States. In general, the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia can be defined in a historical fluctuation, a fluid state between "interaction", "tolerance", "confrontation" and "conflict". Accordingly, it has been very rare for relations between the two countries to be in a state of prolonged interaction or conflict; the two countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, despite many similarities, have not been able to reach an agreement on common and even close definitions, thus leading to a threatening understanding of each other so that the two countries see a bright horizon in their relations hesitantly; Therefore, the research question is the lack of knowledge of solutions and obstacles in the management of the conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, it is what are the important components in the management of the conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia? .The research method of this research is analytical and descriptive. This is a qualitative research in which the researcher collects data through various sources and uses interviews with experts and analyzes the issue and then creates a conceptual framework based on the five dimensions of Buzan security and points to patterns of friendship and enmity; Based on this conceptual framework, the differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia can be seen in all these aspects of classical security, economic, social, political and even environmental. Accordingly, Buzan's approach also points out that security has taken on different dimensions since the 1990s, and it can be said that the five dimensions of Buzan's security and Buzan's definition of security can indicate that the major differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia fall into these five dimensions. The researcher further examines the obstacles in the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, such as obstacles in the field of politics and security, obstacles in the field of geoeconomics, obstacles in the field of ideology, the position of trans-regional actors in the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Iran and Saudi Arabia, such as moving from an absolutist to a relativistic point of view, thematic prioritization of interests, avoidance of entering the red line, mutual understanding of the two actors of implicit division of regional sphere of influence and ensuring not to enter the sphere of influence of a rival actor in a realistic sense, it refers to high politics and the use of formal principles and channels instead of informal principles. In a general summary, the researcher points out that currently "perceptions" and "misconceptions" by the political elites of the two countries are the most important variables in the stability of tensions between the two countries, and this is not something that can be discussed. Political and the promise of mutual trust can be resolved; Therefore, accurate identification of the red lines of each party and its observance or, at a minimum, the ability to bargain over it can help a lot to resolve reciprocal problems. Finally, it should be said that the establishment of diplomatic relations is the most important and only official channel that can convey the common intentions of the two countries without misunderstanding and mediation.

economic strength has entered the economic texts of countries for several years and has been discussed by various groups and individuals. A review of global economic experiences and texts shows. Resilience means making the right decision to maintain the performance of a system in the face of external threats and shocks, which is conceptually competitive with a resilient economy. Thus, the spirit that governs most of the policies of the resistance economy can be more appropriately disseminated using the resilience literature. Resilience is well known in various fields including natural sciences, psychology, engineering and organizational and urban crisis management. But recently, economic resilience at the national level, especially after the 2008 financial crisis, has come to the attention of scholars in this field.        The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of economic efficiency on the economic growth of selected countries of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). For this purpose, the time series data of 2000-2018 and 14 selected member countries of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, which include countries (Albania, Cameroon, Chad, Gabon, Indonesia, Iran, Jordan, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Senegal, Uganda) have been examined. Relevant data was collected from the World Bank. Combined economic resilience index used in this research was Morris method Economic resilience indices using components of property rights index, government effectiveness index, financial health index, trade freedom index, investment freedom index, budget deficit ratio index to GDP, the ratio of trade deficit to GDP, misery index, foreign investment index is combined and calculated. In order to be able to analyze the effect of resilience on economic growth, the econometric method of panel data (completely modified least squares method) has been used. First, the time series integration feature is discussed. After testing the root of the panel data unit, the Cao co-test was used for a long-term economic relationship. In the final stage, despite a combination of the modified least squares method was used to estimate the coefficients of the model, and to estimate the hypothesis test model, econometric analysis, Eviews10 econometric software was used. The test results indicate that the components of labor force, fixed capital formation and resilience are effective on the economic growth of Islamic countries and with the increase of these components, economic growth in these countries also increases. According to the results of this research, the following policy proposals are presented: According to the results of the study, there is a positive relationship between resilience, labor and gross fixed capital formation with economic growth. Therefore, the studied countries should put the necessary grounds for increasing human capital skills, capital formation in the country and improving resilience indicators on their agenda. In order to reduce unemployment, skills training, support for entrepreneurship and entrepreneurs and investors, adjustment of bank interest rates according to the conditions of the country's economy, tax exemptions for employers, creation of home-based businesses, development and support of rural jobs should be considered. These will reduce unemployment and also prevent the uncontrolled growth of liquidity and reduce unnecessary government spending, non-printing of money, discipline of monetary and fiscal policies will reduce inflation, which will reduce unemployment and inflation will reduce the misery index and on the other hand, it increases resilience and economic growth. - One of the factors affecting the resilience of the budget deficit is that governments can reduce their budget deficit by issuing bonds, selling property and in the medium term by reducing costs and reforming the tax system to cover the short-term deficit. - Islamic countries can increase resilience by adopting appropriate trade policies such as importing intermediate and basic materials for industries, exporting technical-engineering services, proper marketing, providing a suitable platform for industry competition and increasing their efficiency and creating new destination markets and naturally lead to economic growth. - Foreign investment is also one of the components affecting economic resilience. In order to attract foreign investment, countries must first provide the ground for establishing financial discipline and providing a transparent environment away from any rent to improve business in the country, removing ambiguity in laws and regulations, including labor law and insurance. Other laws related to business, stability in policy-making and long-term strategies and proper planning to build more investor confidence, eliminate unnecessary and complicated bureaucracy, increase human productivity, predict rates currency, a serious fight against corruption and smuggling of goods should be on the agenda in order to make the economy resistant to shocks and cause the economic growth of countries.

Over the past three decades, we have witnessed the emergence and strengthening of socio-political movements among the nations of the region, especially the Shiites of the Middle East. Considering the internal and external consequences of these movements, their effective role can be seen in the levels of regional and national developments. This article compares the two contemporary Islamist resistance groups, the Palestinian Hamas Resistance Movement and the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Force. Given the current situation in the Middle East, the structure and organization of these two groups in the form of a conceptual device and through comparative study is important. The method of reviewing the present article is descriptive-exploratory and the main question is what are the differences and similarities between the popular mobilization forces and Hamas? In response, it must be acknowledged that the comparison of these two resistance groups clearly shows the understanding of the fundamental and influential recent developments between Iraq and Palestine. and the influence of these groups as the support arms of the Islamic Republic is very important According to the study and using Alan Thorne's conceptual framework, there are relatively obvious similarities and differences between the three components (generality, opposition or conflict and the principle of identity), so that due to the similarities and differences between each of these two resistance groups, in some cases, differences according to the specific circumstances in which they are placed. Based on the principle of identity, the Iraqi Popular Mobilization Force Group has been formed with a focus on recruiting popular forces, regardless of ethnicity or religion. The emergence of Takfiri terrorism in the West Asian region has also brought significant parts of western Iraq under the control of ISIS. In such circumstances, the inefficiency of the Iraqi army in the fight against terrorism, as well as the decision of the cabinet during the presidency of Nouri al-Maliki to form a people's force to defend the territorial integrity of Iraq and expel terrorists from the country, and finally the issuance of a fatwa on jihad. The Iraqi supreme authority established the Hashad al-Shaabi base for the presence of various segments of the people in the struggle against ISIL. Comparing the identities of these two resistance groups, it can be said that the Iraqi popular mobilization resistance group has a Shiite Islamic ideology, and the ideology of the Hamas resistance movement is rooted in the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. Also, the commonalities and differences of these two resistance groups can be expressed as follows; In both groups of resistance, the leading leaders of these currents have been influenced by the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the implementation of these ideas of the Islamic Revolution is evident. The doctrinal and jurisprudential principles of this group, which originated from the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, have a more Islamic aspect. Both resistance groups entered the arena of struggle in order to create the necessary conditions for the liberation of the country from oppression and aggression. These groups also have the support of the masses. The two groups of the popular uprising in Iraq and Hamas in Palestine are deeply connected to the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and the growth and influence of these groups as the support arms of the Islamic Republic is very important. The Popular Mobilization Resistance Group and the Hamas Resistance have common foreign enemies, such as the United States, and with the extent of their activities and influence, they sometimes attack their interests with attacks from these countries. Given the participation of the Hamas resistance movement in the elections and the acquisition of political legitimacy at home and abroad, the official Hamas organization in the Palestinian state structure is more cohesive than the popular mobilization resistance group in Iraq. Comparing the identities of these two resistance groups, it can be said that the Iraqi popular mobilization resistance group has a Shiite Islamic ideology, and the ideology of the Hamas resistance movement is rooted in the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. We can also see Hamas' strategy in changing the regional approach and distancing the Hamas movement from Iran in recent years according to its interests. It should be noted that liberation movements, like any other social phenomenon, evolve over time and under the influence of conditions and components.