Journal of Contemporary Research on Islamic Revolution
Volume:4 Issue: 11, Winter 2022

The concept of “global justice” is a core concept in Imam Khomeini’s thought which substantially contribute to a profound understanding of his ideas. However, understanding other thinkers’ point of view on this regard, besides that of Imam Khomeini, may result in a more comprehensive understanding of this concept. Among all the various international relations schools of thought, the most emphasis on the concept of global justice has been held by Critical thinkers. Most specifically, Neo-Gramscian theoreticians such as Robert Cox, Stephen Gill, and Mark Rupert deserve more attention, of them, it is crystal clear that, Cox’s views are the most important. Cox has come up with considerable ideas on global justice and challenged the injustice nature of the current global order by proposing power, ideas and institution as three critical components contributing to consolidation of hegemony. The very same challenge is the common approach in Imam Khomeini’s thought and Neo-Gramscian theory. Despite fundamental metatheoretical differences, there is no conflicting matter in terms of an existing challenge.Considering the importance of addressing this challenge, the current article aims to review the approximation of Imam Khomeini’s political thought and that of Neo-Gramscian theoreticians with regard to the concept of global justice. To do so, discussing Imam Khomeini’s and Neo-Gramscian theoreticians’ point of view on international relations, in general, and global justice, in particular, a comparative method is employed to assess the two point of views.

Civilizations have always faced harm and challenges in their movement and promotion; the new Islamic culture is one of these cultures. The efforts of human beings who have reached a proper knowledge in the strict sense of the word and have sacrificed their lives for its excellence caused the protecting the understanding and affirmation of ideas, achievements, and cultural identity in this civilization. Apostate people believe that Islam can not provide a framework, law, and morality appropriate to today's world; therefore, we need spirituality as an alternative to religion. Hence, with the slogan "I Am Spiritual, but I Am not Religious," they confronted and rejected Islam and its new civilization and finally blew the apocalyptic view in their minds. The Soleimani school, influenced by the teachings of Islam and the discipleship of the Valy-e Faqih, went against such innovation. With proper and codified planning throughout the religious system, he established the view to reviving the new Islamic civilization in its practical form. Based on the new Islamic civilization context in appearance conditions and its problems, the present study aimed to answer the main question ‘What are the appearance conditions based on the new Islamic civilization context centred on the school of Martyr Soleimani?’. To this practical aim, the analytical method was used with a futuristic approach and collected data with the library method. The results indicated that a multifaceted process based on the second phase statement to the modern Islamic civilization aligns with the characteristics and signs of appearance. This multifacetedness has emerged in Soleimani school and is manifested and consistent in the various layers of the second phase statement.

The proximity of Islamic schools with the emergence of Islamic extremist currents has become a significant concern for Muslim thinkers. It has doubled the need for approximation and intra-religious dialogue. From a historical and institutional view, Iran and Egypt are the institutional pioneers of approximation among Islamic countries. Since the early 1942s, they have developed their activities in various formats based on the views approximation of the two sects’ religious scholars. The two countries' intellectual, political, and cultural atmosphere and a sense of leadership for the Islamic world in Egypt and Iran have been the largest producers of thought in the Islamic field. It was a significant factor in theory-making and pragmatism in this field. The main question is ‘How can the prominent meanings in the institutional network of schools proximity in the Islamic world and contemporary Iran be explained from an institutional and policy-making perspective?’. The results indicated that after the developments leading to secularism in Egypt, Iran became the only pillar of approximation among Islamic countries. After the Islamic Revolution of 1979, by emphasising the issue of Palestine, Hajj and the formation of a single nation, to guide domestic and transnational audiences by highlighting religious affinities in the geography of Islam and Muslims guide to religious coexistence. The second phase statement of the revolution is the most innovative manifestation of the institutional approximation strategy that Ayatollah Khamenei, emphasising trans-ethnic, trans-religious and transnational themes, has presented his institutionalist reading as a "Comprehensive Approximation" using previous historical experiences.

The second phase is a strategic and intelligent statement based on the model design of the self-construction levels, socialisation and civilisation-making. Emphasising the human-divine epistemology in the transcendent-oriented rationality creates a new chapter in deepening and expanding the Islamic Revolution. The modern phrase "The Great Islamic Revolution" as a meta-theory of a revolutionary system is based on Islamism, independence, popular movement and freedom that caused understanding the theory of the revolutionary system. With a qualitative method and an interpretive approach of inferential analysis, the present study aimed to answer the main question 'What are the coordinates of the rationality structure in the rational system theory?'. Another aim is to explain the conceptualisation of the revolutionary system theory, emphasising rationality. This theory emphasises the relationship between justice, rationality, spirituality and freedom. Spirituality is work spirit; justice is directer and valuator things; freedom, human choice and rationality are considered the essential work tools in the Islamic system. Paying attention to the philosophical understanding of the problem, timeology, futurism, moderation, gaining experience, and the relationship between realism and idealism is one of the characteristics of this transcendent-oriented rationality. The result of this rationality will be a logical political analysis and decision, increasing the authority of the political system and proper enemyology. Community building based on faith, science and justice has unique characteristics that believe in it wisely and effectively, leads to self-confidence, progress and authority of Islamic Iran.

The Islamic - Iranian model of progress is a document based on the Iranian-Islamic principles and indigenous values of society, which seeks to achieve the final stage of the new Iranian-Islamic civilization in the future. Looking at development in a systematic way and providing mechanisms for participation and active-voluntary competition of social groups in the general sphere of society, is the focus of this model; thus, the attitude of the ruling political elite is key. The aim of this article is to answer this question: how the political culture of the ruling elites can achieve political development in the Iranian-Islamic model of progress? The hypothesis of the article is that the political culture of the ruling group is the source of political action and behavior in society. Therefore, reforming and improving the attitude of the ruling political elites towards political development within the framework of political and jurisprudential capacities in the religious discourse and the Islamic Revolution, provides the ground for the realization of political development in Iran as a model.

By examining the conditions of possibility and refusal, the present study aimed to answer the main question 'Under what conditions, spiritual civilisation in the contemporary world becomes possible?'. In the timeological assessment of the civilisational situation, referring to the loss of the "Positive Aspect of Modern Civilisation" and its continued bio-negative in the absence of alternative models limitations, it examines the "Modern Position of Civilisation" in terms of universal basis and valuable theoretical framework different from current literature in modern and non-modern research civilisation. By creating a distinct consciousness organisation, do not block the path of spirituality in civil and civilised life, without eliminating science and technology, overlap with the universal needs of the world. And also create different formulations of civilisational actions, structures and relations that make the way of facing the world and science and technology meaningful, distinct and religious. Therefore, systemic Ijtihad and "Divine Verses" present the new spiritual civilisation's conceptual and theoretical organisation. In this context and with a critical approach, it recreates the Islamic Revolution's software infrastructures and civilisation-making organisationware.

The soft war to weaken the intellectual and cultural circles ruling the society and the instability of the socio-political system has a broad scope against Iran, and the role of the soft war officers is essential. Accordingly, with the descriptive-analytical method and qualitative approach, the present study has a development-applied aim to formulate the soft war officers’ position in advancing the goals of the revolution’s second phase. The study's statistical population includes experts and thinkers in the Islamic Revolution, and the sample size has been done through purposeful sampling (judgmental). Based on interviews with the elites, there are 31 components to the soft warfare officers’ role in advancing the goals of the revolution’s second phase. The most common consensus is acceptance of the Vilayat and defence of it (2 scores), formulation of budget deficit strategies (1.98 scores), establishing a think tank to formulate an operational plan of the "We Can" discourse in society (1.97 scores), demanding from officials regarding anti-corruption (1.96 scores), demanding from officials regarding justice spread (1.95 scores), formulation of strategies for improving people's livelihoods, increasing the value of the national currency and improving the purchasing power of the people (1.94 scores).

The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 by the leadership of Imam Khomeini, the resulting discourse and its influence on the internal political and social structure, affected the Islamic world, the Middle East, and the Lebanese Shias. The rise of Hezbollah in Lebanon was a manifestation of the Islamic Revolution discourse on the Shia community regarding meaning and identity. With a critical approach, the present study aimed to answer the question ‘How close and different has Hezbollah to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from the discoursive view, structural and identity?’. The issue was analyzed using the theory of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis and operationalized by explaining the positions of the movement, its leaders and the function of Hezbollah and comparing it with the political thought and works of Imam Khomeini as the Islamic Revolution ideologue. It shows that the Islamic Revolution has been very influential in shaping Hezbollah's Islamic and revolutionary identity. Meanwhile, the sign of Shia political Islam is the central sign of the Islamic Revolution discourse, and the (Islamic) resistance is the primary sign of the Hezbollah speech. The result indicated similarities in most floating characters, namely Shia political Islam, belief in Velayat-e Faqih, justice-seeking, nationalism, independence, issuance of Revolution and revolutionary identity, and resistance (struggle against Israel and anti-Zionism, and anti-arrogance). However, there are some identity distinctions regarding the emphasizing Hezbollah on the Shia, Arab and Lebanese identity and the broad definition of some signs and, consequently, the attribution of some meanings to them, which should be considered from the pathology of future relations between Iran and Hezbollah. This issue regarding common counter-discourses such as Salafi-Takfiri, Liberal Democracy and the Akhavani is essential.

The present study aimed to analyse the process that caused revolutionary rationality. Revolutionary rationality supported extreme action in the years 1356-57. Shia political thought through the centuries has developed fertile and deep rationality in various fields of knowledge such as philosophy, history, mysticism and jurisprudence. "Philosophical Rationality" means that religion is interpreted with philosophy and given a philosophical form. "Jurisprudential Rationality" is the proven reason that establishes the goodness of religious rules and command. "Historical Rationality" identifies the principles and regulations behind the events of history, and "Mystical Rationality" is the expression of mystical meanings through rational style. Revolutionary rationality is rooted in the above principles. This rationality interacted with revelation and supported it, and had a relationship with other ideas, including the thought system in the old and new West, and emerged during the Islamic Revolution. Revolutionary rationality was manifested in the words of the revolutionary leaders in explaining the objective situation of society and politics, as well as in drawing the future of the revolution. The theoretical and methodological basis of this research is discourse analysis and its result, explaining the achievements of this rationality in overcoming the political order of Taghut and the birth of the Shia political order.

Economic punishments and sanctions have been used against the Islamic Revolution of Iran as well as some other countries. But their efficacy is usually in dispute among politicians and economists. Current research reports the results of a randomized experiment that seeks to identify the cause of the failure of broad political punishments and sanctions. Most sanctions and political punishments are ultimately employed as a psychological-economic device. They are meant to adversely affect the opinion of the people of a country, thereby putting pressure on the government to change course. We propose and empirically test the hypothesis that a reduction of welfare has a different effect when it is attributed to an out-group versus an in-group agent. We find that when economic failure is believed to have been brought about by an outsider, it actually solidifies the position of the leader. There is, moreover, no statistically significant difference in the reactions across sexes. The study draws on insights from the sociology of group identity to propose an answer to an old question in political economy. There is, moreover, no statistically significant difference in the reactions across sexes. The study draws on insights from the sociology of group identity to propose an answer to an old question in political economy.