نشریه جامعه شناسی تاریخی
سال چهاردهم شماره 1 (بهار و تابستان 1401)

Totalitarian regimes have their own characteristics that reproduce them as much as possible in other fields, especially science and academia. Studying the challenge between the social sciences and totalitarian rule can be instrumental in the development of social science. The purpose of this study is to make a comparative-historical comparison of this relationship at a time of totalitarian rule in Germany, the Soviet Union and China. The study method is comparative-historical and the reported experiences in three cases of Nazi Germany, Soviet Union and Communist China have been compared historically. Data were collected from second-hand sources and analyzes were presented in a comparative-historical manner. The findings show some similarities and differences between Nazi and communist totalitarianism. Nazi totalitarianism had an a-priori negative mentality towards social science and avoided any institutionalization and by creating an obstruction against the activities of scientists, provided the ground for the migration of social thought, while communist totalitarianism had an a-priori positive mentality towards social science and tried to institutionalize and attract scientists in this field to produce favorable social science. Both forms of totalitarianism, at the height of their tyranny, sought a government-dependent, non-critical, quantitative, practical, and useful social science to perpetuate power.

The People's revolt of Neyriz Fars and Subordinate villages in the Nasserite era, which considered itself a follower of Bábism sect, is one of the most important social and political events in the local history of Persia and southern Iran, which has been less studied. Due to the presence of Seyyed Yahya Darabi at the head of this uprising, its importance has never been considered by researchers and incidentally, due to the presence of Seyyed Yahya Darabi at the head of it, its importance has diminished, although Darabi belonged to the Bábism sect. But the color of the smell of the People's revolt of Neyriz and his movement in Neyriz was mainly class and social, which was formed on the basis of the general movement of the people. The majority of the people of Neyriz participated in this social movement, especially in the villages, which included artisan farmers and workers. In this research, an attempt has been made to study the various dimensions of the People's revolt of Neyriz Fars and also the role of Seyyed Yahya Darabi in Neyriz and the events that took place in this city in the shadow of this movement. Therefore, the main question of the research is what were the main grounds for the formation of the People's revolt of Neyriz Fars? And how did Seyyed Yahya Darabi take over its leadership? The research tries to find the answer to the research question by using the library study method and relying on the descriptive-analytical method. The central hypothesis of this research is that the accumulation of tens of years of demands of the people of Neyriz and their poverty and helplessness needed a spark that Yahya Darabi lit that spark.

In the present article, using Charles Tilly's resource mobilization theory and emphasizing Tilly's political mobilization model, the organizational characteristics of the three protest movements of 1978, 1988 and 1996 in Iran have been studied. The main question of this research is what are the differences and similarities of each of these movements from the perspective of the organizational process (shared identity and organizing institutions)? The method of this research is comparative historical comparison of these three movements based on interpretive analysis of documents and comparison of cases. Based on the results of the research, the differences and similarities of the three movements under study have been determined from an organizational perspective. The organizing organizations in the 1978 movement are largely a mix of formal reformist parties, formal student organizations, and religious intellectual circles. The organization in movement 88 is associated with election campaigns and campaign headquarters, official reformist parties, and official student organizations, but its central role is based on bottom-up participation of the urban middle class and its extensive networking through communication technologies. Compared to movements 78 and 88, in movement 96 the protesting trade unions or protest groups that were directly exposed to poverty are the driving force behind the organizational movement of movement 96.

In the Qajar period, clothing, in addition to being an urgent and basic need of every Iranian, was also a commodity to show class identity and distinction.In this research, descriptive-analytical method and using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of "social differentiation", the question is answered: Are clothes among the Qajar Iranians just a commodity to meet the basic needs of life such as protection against cold and heat or Was it to prevent nudity or, in addition, did it have other functions such as showing social distinction?The research hypothesis is that clothing, in addition to being a means to meet the basic needs of life, but on the other hand has been a good tool to show pride and aristocratic personality and thus reflect the social differences between the upper and lower classes of society.Findings show that although the lower classes in Iran in the Qajar era mostly based on their necessity-like nature, they looked at clothes as a commodity to meet the basic needs of life such as protection against cold, heat and nudity, or based on Their job was to find cheap and durable clothing, For this reason, they could not pay much attention to the artistic and aesthetic approach of clothing, but the upper classes, whose basic needs were met, instead of spending their artistic and aesthetic taste, focused more on being expensive, Beauty and the use of luxuries in their clothes to show their social identity and differentiation from the lower classes.

The purpose of this article is a historical study of the concept of fundamental rights and freedoms among constitutional thinkers. The article sought to provide a precise definition of rights, by the method of historical analysis, by more than 30 constitutional clerics and intellectuals; And try to offer an appropriate classification of each of their encounters with rights and freedoms. The conceptual and theoretical framework under consideration is how Kant and Rawls formed the modern subject; On the other hand, the existing categories of rights. Eventually, a ranges emerged in which believers believed that "freedom causes the spread of heresy and opposition to Islam"; "Political rights or the rights of the king and the humans"; "Economic and social rights to consolidate society"; "Personal and political rights" and "Fundamental rights and public freedoms as citizenship rights".

The rise and fall of various human civilizations has been one of the events that has attracted the attention of many thinkers in the field of history, civilization and sociology. Islamic civilization, which in centuries of history, had a dazzling scientific brilliance; But in the course of his life he experienced a scientific decline, engaging the minds of thinkers and researchers with the question of how and why the cause of its decline. The question that arises is whether any theory or theories have been proposed in the study of the decline of Islamic civilization, apart from the causes and factors that have been argued? The purpose of this article is to present and categorize the theories of degeneration of Islamic civilization through various causes and factors that have been proposed in this regard. The research findings have shown that from the perspectives on why Islamic civilization is declining, theories can be constructed that either look at intra-civilizational factors or look at extra-civilizational factors.

The most common and important theory related to the relations between the people and the state in the history of Iran is the "contradiction between the state and the nation". This view has been expressed explicitly or implicitly by Mohammad Ali Homayoun Katozian and some others. In Katozian's view, the cycle of "tyranny, chaos, tyranny" about the relationship between the people and the state in the history of Iran is discussed. The "conflict" view points to the important role of the political system in the way people deal with the state in the history of Iran, where there have always been situations such as "challenge", "conflict" and "conflict". This article seeks to critically evaluate this view from the perspective of "Iranian identity." It is claimed that the view of conflict cannot explain the essence of the relationship between the people and the state in the history of Iran. In line with the claim of the article, the existence of convergence and alignment between the people and the state in the history of Iran and the commonalities between them is emphasized that the rejection of these commonalities can be seen in a territory called "Iranian identity" which has been proven. Because in the discussion of "Iranian identity", the people and the state subconsciously align and even cooperate, and this cooperation has led to the development, deepening and continuation of the Iranian identity and its dimensions and branches throughout its history.
Components such as the political system and land, tradition, custom, religion and culture and other Iranian historical figures are prominent in this regard.

The purpose of this study is identify the effect of economic and social capital of bazaars in the Qajar period on their role in the process of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution, until the issuance of the constitutional decree by Mozaffar al-Din Shah.This Research Method is historical and for collect information have been used Travelogues, memoirs, documents and historical documentd. The results showed that the social capital of the bazaars in the Qajar period along with their economic capital played a major role in the revolutionary role-playing of the bazaars and the victory of the constitutional revolution. The bazaars of the Qajar period, by using their accumulated social capital in the urban society and using money and labor under their cover, were able to play a revolutionary role in the first constitution and gain power in the field of politics.

As primary sources, documents play a significant role in historical research. In this regard, as religious documents derived from Islamic jurisprudence, temporary marriage certificates have certain principles and frameworks, providing a wealth of information on the culture, society, economy, and customs of the past. The main question of the present study was what form and content did the temporary marriage certificates in Pahlavi I era have? And what effect did the new laws have on the content of such documents? The main claim was that the temporary marriage certificates in the first half of the Pahlavi I era, in terms of form and content, were influenced by religious and customary laws, the Qajar tradition of document-drafting, and the social and class status of individuals. However, in the second half of the Pahlavi I era, new marriage laws were adopted. As a result, first, the jurisprudential aspects of such certificates were decreased and their customary aspects were increased.

In this article, the process of state-formation in the first decade of the Islamic Republic (1979-1989), based on leadership agency, has been studied. The claim of this research is that after the collapse of the previous legal order in 1979, the process of state-formation began with the focus on Ayatollah Khomeini’s agency and the duality of the executive body was established in the constitution. The question of this article is as follows: "How was Ayatollah Khomeini’s agency in the process of state-formation after the revolution in 1979?" According to the theoretical claim, this post-revolutionary state is compatible with the characteristics of a qualitative total state in which the possibility of bureaucratization, that is, the rule of law without personal interference, is minimized, and constant communication with society takes different forms. This text is methodologically based on a configurational approach in which historical data are analyzed at both case level and set relations level. Evidences show that in the first two periods of state-formation, the possibility of moving towards a democratic state with the participation of the majority of the forces involved in the revolution was greater than in later periods. After the revision of the constitution, the characteristics of a qualitative total state are complemented by the dual authority that emerges in the executive body itself.

Considering the importance of the political mobilization of the bazaar in the 1957 revolution based on the unquestionable support that it provided in areas such as the construction of mosques and takayas and financing of the clergy, the purpose of the upcoming research is to investigate the action of the bazaar and the bazaar people as an influential social force during the Islamic revolution with a descriptive-explanatory method. and tries to answer the question that what role did the political mobilization of the traditional market play in the process of collective action in the 1957 Iranian Islamic Revolution? In response to this question, based on Charles Tilly's theory of collective action, the role of the market's logistical, defensive and offensive political mobilization on the revolution of 1957 is discussed, and according to the findings of the research, considering the role of the market in logistical mobilization in areas such as the construction of mosques and takaya and The financing of the clergy was discussed, and also in the offensive mobilization of the bazaar by examining the presence of the bazaar in political organizations such as the Islamic Federation and in the defensive mobilization in the joining of the bazaars to the nationwide strikes to support the 1957 revolution, the role of the bazaar in this revolution is discussed.

Women in Qajar era are considered a social group that is further away from modern medicine, and accordingly foreign male physicians. They had a negative attitude towards foreign male doctors at a time, but gradually their tendency to modern medicine and foreign male physicians increased. The question of the present paper is: What factors have contributed to this tendency of women toward modern medicine and away from traditional medicine? Various factors appear to be of particular importance to the role of the court and the position of religious scholars. This article, carried out based on historical documents of the same period, has investigated this issue in order to explain the factors and consequences of not referring women to foreign male physicians, the role of court and religious scholars and the positive tendency of women to foreign male physicians and modern medicine.