فصلنامه مطالعات بنیادین و کاربردی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 12 (تابستان 1401)

In recent decades Sino-Afghan relations have been based on Beijing's approach to regional and international developments. The elimination of American troops from Afghanistan and the seizure of Kabul by the Taliban changed China's approach to Afghanistan from different perspectives. The US withdrawal will change the balance of power in Afghanistan and its environs. China's approach to Afghanistan has always been based on security considerations, and now economic considerations have been added to it. China's economic project in Pakistan and Central Asia, along with fears of links between extremist groups in Afghanistan and neighboring Uighurs, is one of China's top security concerns. The Taliban's presence in power and the US withdrawal from Afghanistan have changed the pattern of relations from expected indifference to strategic partnership. Components such as environmental uncertainty and strategic compliance paved the way for China to adopt this model. In this context, the present study will examine why China's approach to Afghanistan changes from expected indifference to strategic partnership and will try to provide a clear picture of developments by mentioning China's role in Afghanistan. Examining China-Afghanistan relations in the past decades proves that China's distance and proximity to Afghanistan depended on China's internal restrictions, regional and international developments, China's competition with other actors and dealing with extremist threats. In this regard, we can mention China's secret assistance to arm the Mujahedeen in 1980 during the seizure of Afghanistan by the Soviet forces . Therefore, the statement of relations based on the assessment of the needs of two actors has no place for Arabs here. The official relations between China and Afghanistan began in the 1950s with the recognition of China by Afghanistan. China's approach to Afghanistan has always been economic with an emphasis on security considerations. In the past decades, security considerations have always been the first priority in the eyes of the Chinese authorities towards Afghanistan, which include the seizure of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union, the civil war in Afghanistan, the dominance of the Taliban and finally the presence of American forces. As a great power that is consolidating its hegemony in its surrounding environment, China definitely evaluates every impulse and the presence of competing actors in the region from the perspective of its competition with that actor. The presence of the Soviet Union and the United States in Afghanistan in the past decades can be examined from this point of view. In this regard, we can mention China's cooperation and lack of cooperation with the United States in Afghanistan. In the 1980s and with the attack of the Soviet forces on Afghanistan, China stood by the United States and against the Soviet Union, and after the attack of the Western coalition led by the United States on Afghanistan in September 2001, it refused military and security cooperation with these forces and distanced itself from the efforts of foreign actors presented in Afghanistan. For political reconciliation and reconstruction, Afghanistan kept as far away as possible and avoided accepting the title of the West's partner in the reconstruction of Afghanistan (Huasheng, 2012), while the coalition forces were fighting the Taliban threatening China's strategic interests, Beijing exploration projects began monitoring Afghanistan's underground resources, and this action faced serious criticism from the United States and even Russia . The withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan has serious consequences on regional equations in South and Central Asia; Therefore, all regional actors are trying to closely monitor the developments and present multiple scenarios to minimize possible security and political costs. Any change in the arrangement of forces in Afghanistan definitely affects the current and future interests and goals of regional actors. China, as a neighboring country of Afghanistan and one of the most important players in the economic war with America, is definitely closely monitoring the developments in Afghanistan. From China's point of view, everything that provides the ground for terrorism and international extremism on the edge of its territorial borders and around its economic super project will be specially monitored. From this point of view, the developments in Afghanistan have both components. Despite Beijing's previous approaches to the developments in Afghanistan, the withdrawal of American forces from this country has caused China to worry due to the change in the nature of threats. Since 2016, with increasing speculations about the withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan and the creation of a security evacuation in this country, Beijing, like other neighboring countries of Afghanistan, initiated the project of securing its border lines with Afghanistan . China has detailed plans for Afghanistan without foreign military forces for several reasons: 1. Afghanistan is one of the focal points in the One Belt One Road project; 2. There are religious extremists on both sides of the border lines between Afghanistan and China, and China is worried about the connection between the Uyghurs with ISIS and the Taliban in Afghanistan; 3. To expand its political influence in the region, China should expand its influence to the remaining regions such as Afghanistan and advance its security and political goals through an economic lens; 4. Beijing expects American material and moral support for Chinese Muslim protesters in the west of this country, and from this point of view, the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan despite the ongoing crisis in this country has aroused China's suspicion. As mentioned, China, as one of Afghanistan's neighboring countries, has chosen a "wait and wait" approach to Afghanistan's developments in the last twenty years; But since 2016, with the withdrawal of American forces, China has changed its policy of conscious and considered indifference towards Afghanistan and put a cooperative and step-by-step approach on the agenda. Strategic partnership is a new model of relations between governments that has entered international relations literature from the beginning of the 21st century. Based on the changing pattern of China's cooperation with Afghanistan, the current research tries to present a picture of the actions of foreign actors in the neighboring environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in order to provide the basis for other researches in this field. Therefore, in this research, by introducing the model of strategic partnership and explaining it, it will deal with the application of two economic and political components separately on the two variables of China's attitude and actions towards Afghanistan, and finally, the conclusion section and providing strategic recommendations for Iranian policy makers.

Foreign policy is the most important aspect of socio-political life of nations and countries, because their survival depends on foreign policy. Therefore, recognizing and studying the foreign policy of countries is very important. One of the most important countries whose foreign policy consideration is important is the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia has always sought leadership in the Middle East, relying on its unique characteristics. However, the foreign policy of any country is based on facts and is influenced by factors that affect its efficiency at the regional level and even at the international level. The nuclear deal between Iran and the 5 + 1 (United States, Russia, China, France, the United Kingdom and Germany) under the JCPOA is one of the factors influencing Saudi Arabia's foreign policy. Accordingly, this study addresses the issue of how the post- JCPOA climate has affected Saudi Arabia's foreign policy. In order to answer this question, using the theory of neoclassical realism, it is hypothesized that the post-conflict atmosphere has invaded Saudi foreign policy.  Neoclassical realism is a combination of classical realism and structural realism. That is, on the one hand, like structural realists, it pays attention to system-level factors, and on the other hand, it also pays attention to the mental perceptions and internal structure of states, just like classical realists. Neoclassical realists open the black box of government and explain the foreign policy behavior of a particular country by including domestic-level variables in explaining international policies. In fact, neoclassical realism, while believing that the understanding of most current affairs of international relations is the responsibility of foreign policy theory, by simultaneously involving internal variables, especially the role of interest groups and external variables including the country's position in the international system, is a particularly organized view of generalist thinking. In the context of neoclassical realism, internal factors, especially the perceptions and views of Saudi government leaders and elites, have played a key role in shaping the country's foreign policy in the post-conflict period. Internal factors, such as political leaders' perceptions of threats, and material and internal correlations, act as a mediating variable in shaping the country's foreign policy. From the point of view of the Saudi elite, JCPOA has increased its influence and strengthened the position of the regions of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Because the removal of sanctions on Iran provided ample economic opportunities for the Tehran government. In this regard, Saudi Arabia is concerned that financial resources may contribute to Iran's aggressive stance and increase its influence in the region. The risk of increasing Iran's influence in countries such as Syria, Yemen, Iraq and Lebanon naturally raises concerns in Saudi Arabia. Concerns that Iran, as a powerful player, will be present in the security system of the Persian Gulf and that there will be ample opportunities in the region for it. The nuclear deal reached, ending the threat to Iran's nuclear program, will have a positive impact on security in the Middle East, and Iran will no longer be seen as a threat to security in the Middle East. In addition, the removal of economic sanctions against Iran gives the country international legitimacy. With the conclusion of the UN Security Council, Saudi Arabia became increasingly concerned about a shift in the balance of power in favor of Iran. According to Saudi Arabia, billions of dollars will go to Iran once sanctions are removed. The normalization of trade relations between Iran and European countries will also change the situation in the region in Iran's favor. Thus, Saudi foreign policy makers, perceiving the JCPOA as a threat to their interests, have extracted and mobilized their resources and capabilities to counter the perceived threat. The results of the study show that Saudi officials and decision-makers, for fear of changing the status and regional power in favor of the Islamic Republic of Iran, went to extract their resources (mainly oil) and use these resources to take measures such as increasing arms purchases. Aggressive policies in the region and the diversification of global partners to shift the balance of power have worked in their favor. In a conclusion of the present article, it should be said that in the geographical scope of the Middle East and the Persian Gulf after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the two countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have always tried to lead the Islamic world according to different readings, based on their identity and geographical nature. They have competed together. Based on this competitive nature in the relations between the two countries, when the nuclear issue of the Islamic Republic of Iran was raised, Saudi Arabia, while trying to use this situation, used the opportunity to sanction and restrict the Islamic Republic of Iran, and in line with this, concluded a comprehensive plan of joint action in The direction of reaching a solution regarding the nuclear crisis of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been defined by the opening of Iran's hand in regional issues. Based on this threat, and in order to deal with the Islamic Republic of Iran, the authorities of Saudi Arabia have formulated various strategies. In line with the implementation of these strategies, by using their resources in the form of oil sales, they have tried to respond to the threat posed by the post-JCPOA environment towards the Islamic Republic of Iran by increasing the purchase of weapons, and to strengthen themselves in the form of purchasing military weapons, and at the same time adopting an aggressive policy in Middle East region to weaken the allies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and strengthen the allies. Also, the authorities of Saudi Arabia have strengthened their extra-regional partners in the post-JCPOA period and have turned to expanding and strengthening relations with China and Russia.

ISIS is the short name of the terrorist group of extremist Islamists in Iraq and the Levant. During the growth of ISIS, Syria has been a suitable platform for the growth and declaration of caliphate of this group due to its internal developments. With the start of the internal crisis in Syria, the role of some regional actors for the growth of ISIS and the deepening of this crisis is justified. The regional actors involved in the developments in Syria, including the Arab countries, led by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, used different policies against ISIS in Syria. These countries used different policies and tools to support ISIS. Contrary to Saudi Arabia's claim of rejecting terrorism and its types, we always see the use of this issue in the policies of this country in the region and its developments. Along with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, as a small country, is very interested in expanding its influence on regional developments by using the tools of terrorism and Islamic extremism. One of the most important issues in the past few decades is the issue of the threat of terrorism, which is increasing in importance in political literature and international relations every day. Meanwhile, the Middle East region is very important. This region, due to the birthplace of Islam and its countries being Islamic, and most importantly, the extreme and deviant views of some Islamic groups on the Islamic religion, has caused us to witness extreme thoughts and ideologies and the emergence of various Islamic terrorist groups. After the terrorist incident of September 11, 2001 by the Al-Qaeda terrorist group, the Middle East region has faced many security challenges, the effects of which have long remained in the minds of the governments and especially the people of this region. Among the other terrorist groups formed in this region is the ISIS group, which research and investigation in the process of fundamental formation and existential philosophy of this terrorist movement is the ideology of Salafi jihadism   Most of the activity of this group has been concentrated in Syria and parts of Iraq. Syria is an important country that is always of special importance in the world of politics. So that it is considered as the Achilles heel of the Middle East region.  With the beginning of political unrest in Syria due to the protests of March 2011, which was caused by the political developments in the Arab countries, ISIS declared its existence as the most powerful terrorist group in the history of the Middle East. Kurdistan and by declaring and claiming the establishment of an Islamic government in Syria and cities from Iraq and by implementing measures, or better to say some crimes against humanity, it has placed its name at the top of the media and international news. During the rapid growth of ISIS and the deepening of the crisis in Syria, in addition to internal destabilizing factors, some external sources of support have made ISIS strong in this country. Also, the developments in Syria have provided a suitable platform for the exploitation of regional actors, including the Arab countries, led by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, which have used different policies and strategies in the form of support packages for the ISIS group in Syria, with Wahhabi Salafism becoming an official and political religion. Saudi Arabia (Alrebh, 2017: 28-279). This country has been at the forefront of supporting Salafi-Wahhabi groups, and all Sunni jihadist groups, ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Al-Nusra Front, are ideological children of Wahhabism that Saudi Arabia has injected into various countries . Along with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, unlike many Small countries have a great desire to expand their influence on developments abroad and always openly support moderate Islamic groups and sometimes with Islamic extremist thoughts. This country has had relations with groups such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Taliban . With the spread of unrest in Syria and the beginning of the political crisis, at first the role of internal factors seemed prominent, but a deeper look at this crisis shows that in addition to internal forces, external factors and sources of influence have intensified and deepened the Syrian crisis. So that after gaining power and declaring the self-proclaimed caliphate of the terrorist group Daesh in Syria, this country became the arena of conquest and exploitation of the policies of foreign actors. The main factor in the expansion of internal developments in Syria and turning it into a regional and international crisis is the strong presence of foreign actors and their alignment in this crisis. Each of the foreign actors involved in the crisis are looking for their own policies and interests. Accordingly, Saudi Arabia and Qatar are among the most important actors involved in the developments in Syria. Considering their political structure and identity, these two countries are looking for special political goals and interests in Syria, and at the beginning of the crisis, they confronted the government of this country and put the fall of Bashar al-Assad's government on the agenda of their foreign policy. At the beginning of the Syrian crisis and its developments, these countries provided extensive support to ISIS in various diplomatic, media, financial and logistical fields. The entry of these two actors in the Syrian crisis caused the prolongation of the civil war and played a destructive role and spread the war. The fact that Saudi Arabia and Qatar are on the same front shows that Riyadh and Doha agree against Bashar al-Assad. But this shared opinion does not mean complete unity and sharing of these two countries and they have had differences in goals with each other. The findings of the article show that the two countries of Qatar and Saudi Arabia differed on how to support ISIS and the difference in goals. So that Qatar's goal is to form an Ikhwani government in the Arab Middle East region, but Saudi Arabia's attitude in supporting the ISIS terrorist group is to confront Bashar al-Assad's government close to Iran and prevent Iran's regional hegemony and confrontation with Shiite intellectual foundations in the Middle East. Based on this, it can be said that the policy and performance of these two countries in the developments in Syria, despite many similarities, have slight differences and in some cases they are formal. Saudi Arabia and Qatar have played an undeniable role in strengthening and expanding ISIS in Syria. The main policy of these two countries in supporting ISIS has been to bring down and end the existing political system in Syria, weaken rival countries (Iran) in the Arab world and expand their influence in the region.

Relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have always been fraught with conflict due to differences in economic, ideological, military and security dimensions, but these conflicts have been accompanied by ups and downs in their 90-year regional relationship. So that at every stage of the relationship, after a period of tension and disconnection, and even limited wars and conflicts under the influence of charm and a major turning point in the relationship between the two countries, they are moving closer together and peaceful relations and interactions in one They have had a temporary period. The purpose of this article is to answer the question whether the geopolitical analysis and relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia at different times lead to conflict or interaction due to developments in the area of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia? The results of this study show that the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, due to their fundamental and structural differences, influenced by internal and external factors, cannot easily eliminate this conflict and tensions between the two countries. Taking into account the historical relations between the two countries at different times and the complexity of events over the last year and a half shows that both countries are reducing tensions and moving towards engagement in the relationship.

The foreign policy approach plays an important role in the development of regional and global relations for countries. Especially in the age of globalization, when the ties and relations between countries in the international arena are completely intertwined; It can even be said that the special nature of the globalization period is such that the least available capacity to communicate with other countries has a positive effect on the international image of that country. In regional relations, the foreign policy approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been different approaches and behaviors towards the geopolitical regions around it. South Asia, as an independent geopolitical region based on Sol Cohen's theory and its transformation into a third geostrategic realm, can be one of the regions that offers the necessary potential to change the country's foreign policy approach to this region.Cross-border national interests and demands of countries in the last decades of the 20th century caused globalization. The globalization of the market economy and the economization of the world system, which gained a lot of speed since the last decade of the 20th century, greatly boosted the geo-economic and geo-strategic competitions in the world. These important developments in the world system have encouraged regionalism and turning to cooperation and regional groupings and convergences to make effective competition between the regions of the world a reality in the global geopolitical system of the postmodern era (Mojtahedzadeh, 2012 : 185). In any case, the foreign policy of countries in the era of globalization is required to respect the national interests of the people of that country. As one of the countries in the world that is located in the geopolitical and geo-economics region of the Middle East, Iran follows the trend of regionalism and regional relations in its foreign policy.Iran's historical-civilizational, geopolitical and political-security position in the regional and international security system is such that it is inevitable to adopt different approaches in operationalizing Iran's foreign policy. The three main approaches in Iran's foreign policy are: geographical and geopolitical approach, cultural and historical approach, ideological and political-security approach. During the past decades, Iran's foreign policy has had a challenge in creating a balance between these three approaches, which in a way can be considered as a theoretical challenge of focusing on different regional systems in the Middle East, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Persian Gulf and South Asia (Barzegar, 2009 : 25).

The main purpose of this article is to analyze the foreign policy approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran in regional relations with the South Asian region. The main question is that "what is the position of the South Asian region in Iran's foreign policy relations and approach"? To answer this question, this research has been done using descriptive-analytical research method and data collection method is from library sources and Internet sites.

In any case, developments in Iran and developments in the international system at the regional and global levels have created a sinusoidal trend in the country's foreign policy. As in most experts' opinions, there is a consensus regarding this process. From the colorfulness to the three riddles that have been proposed for foreign policy, they all tell the behavior of Pandoli and Sinus. For example, a single policy has not been followed in the regional relations between Iran and South Asia. Before the Islamic Revolution, the expansion of geopolitical depth in foreign policy was from the Persian Gulf to the Indian Ocean. So that when the largest air-sea base of the Indian Ocean was established in Chabahar in 1975, it was announced by the then president of the country. Those who are familiar with geopolitical issues know that our geopolitical sensitivities include the entire Indian Ocean. So that the proposal to form a union of Indian Ocean countries was raised and welcomed by the governments of that region(Mojtahedzadeh, 2012 : 142).The subcontinent region (South Asia) is very important for Iran. Among the reasons for the political-security importance of this region for Iran are the long borders with Afghanistan and Pakistan, the existence of ecological minorities (Balochs), the weakness of the nation-state structure and fragile governments in this region, political instability, trade and drug smuggling. Narcotics and the threats arising from it, Islamic fundamentalism and international terrorism, the situation of Shiites and finally the presence of the United States and its military bases in the region. Culturally and socially, a large part of this region is considered part of the Iranian civilization, so that Afghanistan can be considered a Persian-speaking nation-state. From an economic point of view, the sub-continent region has not been given much attention due to insecurity and instability, but the peace pipeline extending to the region (Pakistan-India) can bring economic and security advantages for Iran. In general, the subcontinent is the most important geopolitical region around Iran after the Persian Gulf and the Middle East.In relation to Iran's territorial situation, the concept of geopolitical dependence can be used to expand regional relations with South Asian countries. The dependence of the national interests and goals of a country or political actor on the values and geographical advantages of other countries and political actors is called geopolitical dependence. The distribution pattern of the supply of advantages as well as the demand for geographical advantages is unbalanced. Therefore, places and geographical spaces and then the human groups living in them, nations and governments need and depend on each other. Geopolitical dependence reflects this fact. It should be said that governments try to reduce the level of their geopolitical dependence on other actors, and in unavoidable situations, use balancing tools and mechanisms and increase the dependence of other political units on themselves. Although geopolitical and geographical advantages have a wide range, some of them are: communication route and corridor, port, energy supply source, water resources, export markets, defense and military base, scientific, cultural, historical, religious centers and institutions and ... (Hafezniya, 2006: 146-147). For example, the country of Afghanistan needs a land route to connect to open waters, which can be built from the east of Iran, considering the level of relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Figure 3 shows the corridors that Iran can provide for India. Therefore, it can be said that the geopolitical position of Iran has the ability to create geopolitical dependence for the countries of the South Asian region.

What is important in regional relations is efficient foreign policy and active diplomacy so that a government can achieve the national interests of its respective country. Iran can be more successful in its regional relations due to its abundant energy resources. As a geopolitical region and the need for fossil energy, South Asia has the necessary potential in economic and political development. According to the theory of the spatial structure of the geopolitical system of the world, which was proposed by Cohen, the South Asian region as an independent geopolitical region that is mentioned in this theory and it is predicted that in the future, as the third geostrategic region, it will be divided into two geostrategic regions (Maritime and Berry) added to Cohen's theory, can strengthen regional relations for Iran through dependence on fossil energy. however, what can be seen and can be acknowledged is that the approach of Iran's foreign policy to the South Asian region lacks sufficient attention and it can be said that the position of this region in the country's foreign policy is among Iran's important regional priorities. It is not a good place to pay attention to the lack of actions and regional relations observed in this region.

The Horn of Africa is the name of a region in the east of the African continent, which is adjacent to the sea spaces of the Gulf of Aden, the Strait of Bab al-Mandeb and the Red Sea, and it protrudes into the Gulf of Aden in the form of a tongue. This region has long had geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economics value and importance, and because of these values, regional and extra-regional actors have always tried to be present and active in it. In the past few years, Iran has always been one of the countries present in this region, especially in its maritime spaces, despite the reduction or termination of relations with the countries of the Horn of Africa and the consequent reduction in activities. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate and analyze the reasons of the problem from a geopolitical point of view. This research deals with the geopolitical explanation of the reasons for Iran's presence in the Horn of Africa and the water and coastal areas of this region with a descriptive-analytical method and an inferential approach and content analysis, using library resources. The main question is, within the framework of geopolitical concepts, what are the most important requirements for Iran's presence and activity in the Horn of Africa? The results of the research show that the most important geopolitical reasons for Iran's presence and activity can be seen as the security of maritime traffic, the presence of competing actors and the neutralization of some hostile actions, the geo-economic potential of the Horn of Africa, and the issue of influence and territorialization.During the recent years and approximately since 2015, Iran's bilateral relations with most of the countries of the Horn of Africa have suffered a reduction or interruption of political and diplomatic relations due to various reasons. Before 2015, there were good relations between Iran and the countries of Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea and Djibouti, but since then, mainly due to the hostile and interventionist actions of Iran's foreign and regional rivals, including the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia and offering and granting financial aid to Somalia, Eritrea and Djibouti in exchange for severing ties with Iran, these countries decided to cut ties and currently, despite the active presence of this country in the maritime spaces of the Gulf of Aden to fight against piracy. Iran's effective role in the Horn of Africa has decreased. Of course, in recent years, the approach of the foreign policy of the 11th and 12th government in the Islamic Republic has also become more and more important, and one of the reasons for the reduction of Iran's presence or weak presence in the Horn of Africa is related to this issue; This means that since the beginning of the 11th and 12th governments, the development of relations with African countries, including countries in the Horn of Africa, has not been a priority in the foreign policy of these governments.In this regard, the most important challenges facing Iran in recent years in this region can be the occurrence of piracy - which has been a challenge for many other countries in the world; The low level of relations or the disconnection of Iran's relations with the countries of the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea Basin; The presence and influence of Iran's competitors in the countries of the Gulf of Aden, the Strait of Bab al-Mandab, the Red Sea, and the Horn of Africa; And the absence or weakness of a specific strategy and plan in relation to the Horn of Africa and its coastal areas in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, which each has affected Iran's presence and activity in positive or negative ways.At the core of each of these factors, geopolitical components play a role. In the factor of "providing the security of maritime traffic and countering the phenomenon of piracy", the formation of patterns of "cooperation" and "competition" between governments to fight piracy and their empowerment, the geopolitical roots of the formation and growth of pirates, Iran's "geopolitical affiliation" To the Horn of Africa as a spatial and geographical complement to take advantage of strategic, economic and commercial advantages on the other side of the borders, Iran's effort to increase its "geopolitical weight" and create a "geopolitical balance" with other actors active in the Horn of Africa through an almost independent presence In the fight against piracy in the Gulf of Aden and the Strait of Bab al-Mandab and conveying the message of strategic and operational power in fighting this phenomenon to the world, it is one of the geopolitical characteristics of this factor.The factor of "the presence of competing actors in the Horn of Africa and the neutralization of some of their hostile actions", geopolitical features such as the formation of the pattern of "competition" and "geopolitical competition" between actors active in the Horn of Africa with Iran, the "geopolitical construction" of Iran's influence and influence in this region As a threat from competing or hostile actors, Iran's attempt to increase its "geopolitical weight", create and maintain "geopolitical balance" with competitors and move in the direction of "geopolitical superiority", and create a "geopolitical challenge" and a "geopolitical isolation" strategy. » It has rivals of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Horn of Africa.In the factor of "economic and geo-economic potentials of the Horn of Africa region", "geo-economy" is defined in the conceptual framework of geopolitics, Iran's "geo-political and geo-economic belonging" and a kind of "geo-political and geo-economic dependence" towards the Horn of Africa and the maritime spaces of this region to meet the needs in trade and economic exchanges with other countries using its maritime routes and optimal use of this geo-economic capacity by drawing and implementing a "geo-political strategy" can play a role in economic and commercial development and promotion of "geo-political weight" and creating "geo-political balance" with competitors beAnd finally, in the factor of "increasing the sphere of influence and territorialization", promoting the authentic teachings of the pure Islam of Muhammad (peace be upon him) and issuing the values ​​of the Islamic Revolution with the aim of helping governments and nations to strengthen their independence and confront the domination system of a specific "geopolitical code" of the republic. Iran is Islamic in foreign policy, and Iran is trying to influence and "territorialize", increase "geopolitical weight" and create "geopolitical balance" with rivals in the Horn of Africa, which have a geopolitical nature.In this framework, it seems that for Iran to make optimal and effective use of the geopolitical and geoeconomic capacities of the Horn of Africa region and to be more active in this region, it is necessary for the Islamic Republic of Iran to consider the following plans and strategies:Permanent and continuous military presence in the maritime spaces of the Gulf of Aden, the Strait of Bab al-Mandab and the Red Sea to protect the security of its sea routes and commercial ships;Establishing and developing relations with the coastal countries of the Horn of Africa, i.e. Somalia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Ethiopia in various political, economic, cultural, scientific and... dimensions;Efforts for regional cooperation and convergence, especially the formation of maritime alliances with friendly countries with common interests;Developing a targeted plan and strategy regarding presence and activity in Africa in general and the Horn of Africa in particular;Having an all-round readiness to deal with the threats and conspiracies of official and unofficial competing actors and enemies in the maritime and coastal areas of the Horn of Africa.