فصلنامه مطالعات بنیادین و کاربردی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 13 (پاییز 1401)

The category of border security is one of the important theoretical and practical topics of the security and defense fields, which has undergone changes in terms of nature and function in the last two decades. In terms of authority, border security includes, in addition to governments, people and populations living in border areas, people and goods that cross the borders. Border security becomes more important due to the fact that it plays the role of an intermediary between internal and external security and is considered the Achilles heel of governments. The borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran are not exempt from this general rule and have been the site of many wars and conflicts. World War I, II, and Iraq's imposed war against Iran show the turbulence of threats on Iran's borders. The new challenges that have arisen in Iran's eastern neighbor, Afghanistan, and the rise of the Taliban in this country, will change all the security equations of the country's eastern borders. Things like refugees, religious radicalism, insecurity, and even terrorism and drug trafficking, all change quantitatively and qualitatively. Also, the Taliban's way of looking at Islam and the alignment of their thoughts with the government and especially the intelligence apparatus of Pakistan has an impact on the Baluchistan region of Iran. Based on this, in order to predict the country's security situation in the coming years and design suitable security scenarios, it seems necessary to identify the drivers of threats to the country's eastern borders, and researchers seek to answer the main question of what social and economic variables are on the horizon. Are 1405 challenges for the security of the country's eastern borders?

This research is applied in terms of its nature and purpose, and descriptive survey in terms of the type of method and exploratory due to its prospective nature. In this research, the environmental monitoring method was used to identify key variables and form questionnaire items. The statistical population of the research includes familiar experts in related scientific fields. In order to analyze the findings of the research, cross-matrix future research methods were used using Mic Mac software.

The findings of the research showed that the variable of underdevelopment as a strategic variable and the variables of poverty and illiteracy of the people of the region, the problem of unemployment, the construction of border terminals, human trafficking and drug trafficking as key economic and social challenging variables. The eastern borders of the country were identified in connection with the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and in the perspective of 1405.

The results of the research also show that economic and social variables in Sistan and Baluchistan province are the cause of security problems such as human trafficking and drug trafficking. And these results confirm the opinions of the famous thinker of the Copenhagen school, Bari Buzan.Borders have long been heavily guarded places. Contemporary borders are segregated, and the security function of the border has changed from the territorial limits of states to heterogeneous places that are beyond the geopolitics of borderlines. Various researchers have discussed issues such as the competencies and powers of border authorities, the intensification of cross-border policies over time, new border security technologies, immigration control with citizenship laws, and some dimensions of border security xenophobia. The study of borders has confronted us with a variety of new challenges in the contemporary global political environment, despite efforts to dynamize national borders, governments are still trying to maintain traditional borders. Contrary to the initial slogans about the breaking of national borders (Jones & Johnson) due to ISIS attacks and the refugee crisis, the European Union has gone to re-establish the control of internal Schengen borders (McConnell et al).The issue of border security is one of the important theoretical and practical issues in security and defense fields, which has undergone changes in terms of nature and function in the last two decades. In terms of border security jurisdiction, in addition to governments, it includes people and populations living in border areas, as well as people and goods that cross borders. Border security becomes more important due to the fact that it plays the role of intermediary between internal and external security and is considered the Achilles heel of governments. The direction of threats from external sources is the vulnerability point of governments, and relations between neighbors may turn dark at any time. Borders are the first layer of absorbing negative waves, so governments focus on border security more than anything else.The borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran are not exempted from this general rule and have been the site of many wars and conflicts, World War I, and II and the war imposed by Iraq against Iran are indicative of the turbulence of threats on Iran's borders. Iran's peripheral borders are over 8731 km, of which 4113 km are land borders and 1918 km are river, lake, and swamp borders, and 2700 km are the coasts of Iran in the north (Mazandaran Sea) and in the south (Persian Gulf and Oman Sea). Iran's eastern borders share a 945-kilometer border with Afghanistan from the mouth of Zulfiqar to Mount Malek Siah and a 978-kilometer border with Pakistan from Mount Malek Siah to the mouth of the Gulf of Gwadar. Iran's eastern borders require a national and even international perspective due to geopolitical reasons. In the two eastern neighboring countries, we are witnessing a combination of terrorism, war, insecurity, and radicalism, which has manifested its direct and indirect effects on the eastern borders. With the connection of drug trafficking to the international mafia, this process has entered new and complicated stages. The borders of Iran and Afghanistan were determined in the Hariroud area by General McLean in 1891, in the Hashtadan and Dasht Hashem areas in 1935 by Fakhreddin Altai Turk, and in the Hamon and Hirmand areas by Goldsmith and McCammon in 1872 and 1903. The borders of Iran and Pakistan were also defined by Holdij in 1905 and 1896 from Black Mountain to Kohak.One of the determining factors in the field of security studies, especially border security, is the element of time. Knowing the future and taking timely action is the key to success in the field of security and strategic decisions. In the current era, studying the future and trying to predict it, the existing trends and the features of emerging trends and phenomena, and in its continuation, building the future by it is one of the main features of security planning. The new challenges that have arisen in Iran's eastern neighbor, Afghanistan, and the rise of the Taliban in this country, will change all the security equations of the country's eastern borders. Things like refugees, religious radicalism, insecurity, even terrorism, and drug trafficking all change quantitatively and qualitatively. Also, the Taliban's way of looking at Islam and the alignment of their thoughts with the government and especially the intelligence apparatus of Pakistan has an impact on the Baluchistan region of Iran. Based on this, in order to predict the country's security situation in the coming years and design suitable security scenarios, it seems necessary to identify the drivers of threats to the eastern borders of the country, and researchers are looking for answers to the main question of what social and economic variables in the time horizon of 1405 for the security of the eastern borders. Are they a challenging country؟

The desire to live better and move towards a bright tomorrow and have a land full of prosperity has been one of the great goals and ideals of all nations, and people always pursue and imagine the achievement of this goal and their ideal in the efforts of politicians, statesmen and thinkers of their society. On the other hand, the lack of regional balances and the unbalanced distribution of services and facilities in an inappropriate manner are among the main characteristics of third world countries and Iran. Today, several factors have caused the creation of a network of central places or settlement hierarchies that have affected other surrounding areas, while regional inequalities in all their forms and levels can have unfortunate consequences. In order to know the difference in the level of development of the regions, it is necessary to first examine the existing situation of the region so that it is possible to plan accordingly to reduce or eliminate the differences. At the regional level, creating a logical balance between people, employment and services is one of the desirable ideals. Also, inequality undermines the political legitimacy of the government and gradually puts the government on the path of destruction. In addition, the existence of inequality and its different dimensions are important signs of underdevelopment. Lack of accurate knowledge of the priority economic sectors of the province and their growth capacities has caused that the capital, facilities, support and development policies of the province are not properly focused on the priority sectors with the ability to grow, which has caused the loss of opportunities for the development of the province. Therefore, recognizing the advantageous part of the province to focus support measures and optimal management of economic resources and to promote economic efficiency is one of the most important needs of the province to achieve its development goals. In this research, we want to identify the capacities of local economic growth and development in this province, and present a codified program with the aim of economic growth in this province, followed by the growth and stability of the population in this region. The asset-oriented development of regions is based on the identification of existing capacities and funds, their strengthening and exploitation. This approach emphasizes the process instead of the outcome and seeks to build capacity by mobilizing local funds. In this approach, the perspective of planning and management from the bottom up is based on the empowerment and collective participation of residents. The underdevelopment of any region can challenge human security and national security. This issue has a double effect on the marginal and border regions, because if the marginal regions lag behind in development and the statesmen of a country do not solve the problems and issues of the marginal people in the periphery, migration from the periphery to the center will inevitably occur, and this migration is also an objective dimension. And it also has a psychological dimension. So that the immigrants will bring the problems of the periphery to the center, and at a distance closer to the center, they will create a new periphery where the security risks of these margins are tens of times higher than the previous type of periphery. In addition, the emptying of border and marginal areas of the country increases the vulnerability of borders and human and national security of the country. Now, according to the mentioned cases, with the aim of identifying the regional capacities in the prosperity of the local economy of Sistan and Baluchistan, the question is raised, what are the regional capacities in the prosperity of the local economy of Sistan and Baluchistan? The current research is descriptive and correlational. Considering the nature of this research, it is preferable to use both qualitative and quantitative methods at the same time. In the first part, we have created a conceptual model and theory related to the subject under study by using library documents and reviewing previous studies, and then we have evaluated the indicators and the current situation using quantitative criteria and tested the conceptual model. The statistical population of the research is experts in the field of local economy and development, and the sampling method of experts is also random. In this research, we used descriptive and inferential methods in two separate parts to analyze statistical information. At the level of descriptive statistics, we have used the indicators of frequency, percentage, average and standard deviation. In the inferential statistics section, we use quantitative methods using SPSS, EXCEL and SWOT software. In this research, the factors extracted from the factor analysis for each economic sector form the normal value of membership functions, and the upper and lower limits of this membership function are obtained by adding and subtracting one and two standard deviations from the normal value. Therefore, for each part, five membership functions are defined, which show very high, high, normal, low and very low levels. The results of the data-output table of Sistan and Baluchistan Province show that none of the economic sectors of the province have been able to provide more than 50% of their intermediate needs from within the province. On the other hand, none of the departments of the province have a strong relationship with other economic sectors in terms of product supply; Therefore, most of the economic sectors of the province provide a part of their intermediary needs by importing from other provinces and abroad. This causes the province to be an importer of labor from other provinces and abroad despite having the capacity to attract labor. In other words, the weakness of inter-sectoral links in the province has caused this province to provide its inter-sectoral needs through imports and to use the labor force outside the province and the country for production. Therefore, it is necessary to deal with the problem of unemployment in the urban areas of the province with appropriate investment in user sectors such as construction, wholesale and retail services, and transportation and storage services, and in the current situation, besides direct job creation in the sectors, indirect job creation should also be paid attention to. For example, the sectors of other public and social services, real estate services and agriculture are indirectly effective in creating employment. Finally, one of the problems of Iran's economy is the high unemployment rate of university-educated people. Unfortunately, until now, Iran's Statistics Center has not published the statistics related to university-educated workers by major economic sectors. The publication of these statistics can determine the capacities of economic sectors to attract university-educated people and in this way help to solve the unemployment problem of these people.

A review of the turbulent hegemonic competition between Iran and the United States in the past 40 years shows a conflict-filled process with long ups and downs, in which the two countries have always taken the path of conflict and confrontation with all the tools and capacities of their domestic and international power. In this framework, the formation of the current of resistance and the stabilization and strengthening of its hardware and software power components under the shadow of authentic Islamic principles, including the negation of the mustache, was able to sideline the strategic goals of the regional aggressors, from America and Israel to their Western and Arab allies. The research method has a descriptive and analytical nature. This article is based on the teachings of the theory of "hegemonic stability" realism and is based on the assumption that General Soleimani was able to design a model of hegemonic deterrence in West Asia while breaking the foundations of the American hegemonic system in the shadow of structuring and organizing the resistance movement. We have gathered part of the information required for this research by analyzing the content of American national security documents in the years 2002 to 2021 and part by using media news reports and library sources. The results of this research show that Sardar Soleimani's initiative, both during his worldly life and after his martyrdom, was able to combine the rivalry between Iran and America in West Asia with the relative victory of the resistance axis and the hegemonic stabilization of the resistance discourse in this region. The analysis of terrorist incidents after the US attack on Iraq shows that instead of reducing terrorist acts, this attack caused the spread and strengthening of terrorism in West Asia, and this situation faced the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran with a new challenge. In fact, the American attack on Iraq gave the opportunity to the militia groups to develop their base in this country and recruit troops under the pretext of fighting against the United States with the goal of holy jihad. On the other hand, the critical situation in Iraq caused by the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime and the power vacuum in this country made it easier for these groups to recruit members and get armed. Meanwhile, by dominating Iraq and using strategies to establish hegemonic stability, America tried to use the opportunity of increasing terrorist activities in this country as a new lever against stability in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this situation, the command of the Quds Force of the Islamic Republic of Iran, by designing smart strategies, not only tried to curb the growing trend of Takfiri forces in Iraq but also managed to significantly prevent the increase of influence of America and its allies in Iraq. In this article, using the teachings of the theory of hegemonic stability, we are looking for an answer to the question, how did martyr Soleimani affect the position of the axis of resistance and the hegemonic equations of America in the regional balance of power in West Asia? In response to this question, based on the teachings of the theory of hegemonic stability, we test the hypothesis that General Soleimani was able to design a model of hegemonic deterrence for Iran in West Asia while breaking the foundation of the American hegemonic system in the shadow of structuring and organizing the resistance movement. We have formulated this research using the method of post-event analysis and content analysis. Based on this, in this research, emphasizing the activism of martyr Qassem Soleimani, we show how the influence of structuring and organization leads to hegemonic deterrence of the axis of resistance. We have collected part of the information required for this research from the content analysis of American national security documents in the years 2002 to 2021 and part of it using media news reports and library sources. After a review of the theory of hegemonic stability and then a review of the US national security documents, we show the position of General Soleimani on the change of the US equations in West Asia. The conditions that arose in Iraq after the US attack show that the alleged US war against terrorism to change the existing situation in the region in favor of the US was not only unsuccessful but also provided the ground for the formation of new terrorist groups and strengthened terrorist ideas. The Iraq war also showed how the behavior and policies of the United States with the aim of establishing hegemonic stability in Iraq caused the terrorist groups that were present in this country before the American attack on Iraq, while multiplying into new groups, to continue their life in Iraq and the past actions Pursue yourself with more territory and wider goals. By examining the American national security documents, we can reach the point that each of the American strategies, whether it is to deal with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, fight against rogue countries, or promote democracy and human rights, were linked to the issue of fighting terrorism and linking all policies to one issue. The fight against terrorism in order to achieve the hegemonic order can be clearly seen in the American national security documents. Despite this, neither the use of the aggressive policies of the Bush administration, Obama's approach, nor Trump's approach in the Middle East, which are all evaluated against peace and security, did not come to fruition due to what was reviewed in this article as efforts to change the status quo, and the continuation of America's presence in Iraq had no achievement except more insecurity and instability in Iraq and the region. It seems that the activities of the Quds Force of the Islamic Republic of Iran under the command of General Soleimani have been one of the components of deterrence, the dismantling of hegemonic stability, and the change of the American military equation in West Asia. To put it better, the Quds Force of the Islamic Republic of Iran was able to turn this area into one of the most unsafe areas for terrorists, including American soldiers and Takfiri terrorists, with the initiative of its commander. On the other hand, putting an end to the unipolar world hegemonic order will create deterrence in West Asia. The most important initiatives of Martyr Soleimani in deterring and creating the destruction of the American hegemonic order and stability can be listed in cases such as strengthening the deterrence of the axis of resistance in the shadow of new developments, evading American sanctions, removing the platform for the reprocessing of terrorist groups in the region, strengthening military infrastructure and expanding the domains of the axis of resistance. Of course, it should be noted that Iran's competition with the United States and its allies for hegemony in the West Asian region continues, and the United States, within the framework of the strategy of distant balance and aggressive realism that we mentioned in the theoretical part of this research, continues to build its network to deal with the axis of resistance continues. It is worth noting that in spite of the huge damages caused to the member countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran's Quds Force as a result of the absence of General Rashid, the network and systematization of the resistance axis, which is derived from the theories of this martyr, still has a great power to advance this path of dismantling the American order and Establishing Iran's hegemonic supremacy.

This research aims to analyze and evaluate the United Nations’ activity to settle the crisis in Afghanistan by applying a qualitative method based upon data gathering using the United Nations archival resources and descriptive-analytical method to answer how the United Nations' activity to settle the crisis in Afghanistan has been. the research revealing theory is: The United Nation -one of the most influential intergovernmental organizations- had excessive efforts by implementing and executing political (Through the sixth and seventh resolutions of the UN Charter), diplomatic enterprises (Through the Secretary General and his Special Presentative) and institutionalization (By monitoring the implementation of resolutions and action) through It reduced and confronted crises and empowered and rebuilt the country at some point in time main institutions e.g. security council, general assembly and secretary-general to settle the crisis in Afghanistan, although the aim wasn’t quite accomplished; the research findings according to Micheal Bercher international crisis analysis model and principals indicate that the united nation organization hadn’t been eminent in settling Afghanistan crisis due to organizational weakness and conceptual dependency, despite having high independency and legitimacy level at the international level, and acted passively and nonstrategic. The end of the Second World War was the beginning of the development of organized and regular international and regional relations and dependencies and the comprehensive growth of multilateral cooperation of governments in all fields such as political, economic, and social in international arrangements. In this context, the United Nations as the best and best model and example of an international governmental organization to provide and protect world peace and security, steps into the field of international relations; Therefore, the role of this organization is to protect peace and create security has been revealed today in the form of deterring and preventing conflicts or limiting them. Therefore, despite the many existing deficiencies, he has tried to objectify his capabilities and competence in political fields as a peacemaker and as a reliable and serious broker and agent in bilateral or multilateral relations; Although in this way, due to structural weakness and material dependence, it has not achieved much success. For example, in the Afghanistan crisis, which is considered one of the most complex and long-lasting international tensions, the United Nations has tried to resolve the issue by issuing many resolutions in most of the sixth and seventh chapters of the United Nations Charter and appointing its special representative and sending them to the center of the crisis. and to play an active role in ending crises. Despite this, in reducing or eliminating the crises that have occurred and even now, the performance of this organization has often been passive, proactive, and non-strategic. For example, in 2001, under the pressure of major powers, this organization recognized the invasion of Afghanistan by the US and NATO coalition. Therefore, the activities of the United Nations in Afghanistan show that the operation of this organization has legitimized the will of the great powers in the occupation and their movements against the opposition of the world. Of course, it cannot be denied that some of the so-called democratic actions of this organization, such as holding and monitoring parliamentary and presidential elections, have shown the positive performance of the United Nations in Afghanistan. In this article, while making sense of the crisis from Michael Brecher's point of view, we will discuss more the performance of the United Nations in solving the Afghanistan crisis. This article is written by stating the question, what is the function of the United Nations in the process of solving the Afghan crisis? We implemented and moved forward. In this way, by examining the role and performance of the United Nations as the most influential international organization in the arena of the international system, we examined the duties and performance of the three influential pillars of this organization in the process of resolving the Afghan crisis and the measures that each pillar takes in reducing or reducing the crisis as the keyword of crisis management. He has done in Afghanistan in the years 1947 to 2021. Actions that during a period of time led to the reduction, confrontation and empowerment, and reconstruction of Afghanistan through legal measures (with resolutions under the sixth and seventh chapters of the Charter), diplomatic and political measures (through the activities of the Secretary-General and its special representative) and institution building (monitoring the implementation of resolutions and actions) and these actions were further realized through cooperation with other regional organizations such as the European Union and NATO and the supervision of the United Nations. Among them, it is possible to evaluate the role of the United Nations as constructive, effective, decisive, and active in terms of financial, political, planning, and management of the various periods of presidential, assembly, and provincial council elections. Despite this, the Afghan crisis has continued due to the structural and substantive weakness that has been repeatedly repeated by the member governments and various secretaries-general in this organization. In such way that the existential philosophy of this organization was based on the multipolar system, but during the cold war, this organization was a bipolar system and at the end of the cold war, it was practically dominated by a superpower, which is not only in contradiction with the existential philosophy of this organization, which is currently It has become the most important problem of the United Nations. Also, the fact that the five great powers have the right to veto and its illegal use and abuse are evident in the continuation of the Afghan crisis. For example, the Soviet Union vetoed several resolutions condemning and immediately withdrawing its army from Afghanistan. As another permanent member of the Security Council, with its support for Pakistan, China has considered the crises formed and highlighted in Afghanistan as an internal matter and has continued this situation until now. Also, the United States of America, which is one of the main members of the United Nations Security Council, has repeatedly abused its membership privilege in the Security Council. The issuance of a resolution by the Security Council in 2001 regarding the attack on Afghanistan by the military forces of the United States and its allies (NATO) and the occupation of this country for a period of twenty years is one of the examples of the weakness and structural problems and the substantive dependence of this organization in solving crises, including the Afghan crisis.

Of the most unexpected events in the year, 2021 was the collapse of the Afghanistan government, on August 15th, 2021, and the re-emergence of the Taliban’s Islamic state (Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan) without facing up serious resistance from the state and society. How can one analyze the Taliban`s takeover of the country? This is the central question that guides the analytical narration in the text. The present research attempts to come up with a multi-faceted scheme to respond to the question. In this regard, the paper hypothesizes that the Taliban movement managed to retrieve its sovereignty owing to symmetry of some factors: its internal social solidarity/ coherence in the context of Afghanistan’s segmented society and failed state, and connivance in the international environment as well. To justify the hypothesis, the paper takes advantage of some theoretical approaches under a combinative theoretical framework. The constituents are as follows: the concept of ‘Asabiyyah’ (social solidarity in Ibn Khalodn's sense of the word), ‘resource mobilization theory, the quadruple crisis of the regime, and the role of the international environment in revolutionary transformation. According to the framework, the Taliban`s mobility to conquer the country was proceeding continually because of internal social solidarity driven by its ethnic (Pashtunism) and religious (Deobandi Salafi) foundations. It is whilst, on the contrary, there had been a segmented society and failed state due to a crisis in the process of nation-state building. Consequently, not only was there were lack of national solidarity and united orientation against the coherent ethnoreligious movement of the Taliban, but also the Taliban utilized the government’s inefficacies and miss-functions (such as juncture and corruption in the political system) to mobilize the followers and attract the potential ones among the disappointed people. In terms of the process of capturing the country, the Taliban’s mobility pattern showed some formal similarities to ‘Eastern Revolutions’ (in Huntington's sense of the word); that is, launching from the periphery to the capital. Having learned from the past, the Taliban came up with a more pragmatic orientation in its second round. While showing a tendency to negotiate with internal and foreign effective agents in the political environment of Afghanistan, the Taliban aimed to represent a modified picture of the movement compared to the long-standing violent image. To sum up, the causes of the Taliban`s success in re-taking political power can be narrated as the symmetry of the strong movement and the weak nation-state; the ethnoreligious social solidarity of the Taliban, and the lack of national solidarity and efficient government. Afghanistan went through difficult times in 2021. It was not yet summer when those provinces came under the pressure of the Taliban fighting forces and then dominoes fell one after another until the Taliban forces reached the gates of Kabul. Finally, in the middle of August, to the surprise of the world, the capital fell and the Taliban managed to seize power in Afghanistan for the second time and start a rapid transformation in the Afghan political system in order to revive the Islamic Emirate that was overthrown in 2001. There are factors involved in the occurrence of this transformation, some of which are the responsibility of the Afghan government and the others part of the United States: 1. The announcement of the withdrawal of the United States from Afghanistan; 2. Weakness and a deep gap in the leadership of the Afghan government; 3. The deep gap between army and country policies; 4. Perpetuation of the corrupting incomes caused by drugs, as well as increasing the Taliban's income generation from local sources; 5. Denial of many problems in the organization, training, equipment, and leadership of Afghan forces at least from 2007 onwards by the US, NATO, and the Afghan government; 6. The low level of readiness of the Afghan army due to dependence on American forces; 7. Dependence of Afghan forces on contractors for equipment; 8. The wrong focus of America and NATO on only the terrorist and military threat of the Taliban instead of evaluating the reasons for their increasing progress, 9. Focusing only on the cities and densely populated centers and leaving the villages and suburbs; 10. Not paying attention to the strategy of the Taliban, which was preparing for a massive advance toward the north and other regions at the same time as the peace talks. This development has been analyzed from different perspectives, such as examining the causes of the weakness of the Afghan government, the role of foreign powers, its impact on the future of Afghanistan, regional relations, and its threats and opportunities for Iran. What distinguishes the current research is the focus on analyzing why and how this political transformation occurred from the perspective of "revolutionary transformation theories". In this context, the question is raised, how to analyze the Taliban's re-gaining power? The nature and context of the recent political transformation in Afghanistan have been such that the fixation on one of the common divisions of revolutionary transformations (revolution, coup, civil war, etc.) hinders the understanding of the various dimensions and complexities of this transformation. Based on this, the current research is based on the hypothesis that the theoretical analysis of this event requires a combination of old and new theories about the logic of political transformation. In this sense, the Taliban's ethnoreligious movement, relies on the element of nervousness, in the conditions of the crisis of the nation-state in Afghanistan, i.e. a mixture of a fragmented society and a bankrupt government and symmetry with suitable international conditions, without facing serious resistance from the society, the government and successful foreign actors to restore its sovereignty in Afghanistan. The way this transformation took place was similar to the style of eastern revolutions, advancing from the periphery to conquering the capital. The present research consists of several parts. First, in the form of a combined theoretical framework, the theoretical possibilities of old and new theories are highlighted in the direction of designing the elements of a conceptual model. In the next steps, we show the implications and examples of each of the elements of this combined theoretical framework for the analysis of the Taliban's resumption of power. In order, to the importance of nervousness in the group cohesion of the Taliban, the effect of social disintegration and the absence of the national government on the non-formation of anti-mobilization against the Taliban, and symmetry with the appropriate international conditions in the transfer of power. In the end, by freely using the style of eastern revolutions, we explain the formation of this transformation (how the Taliban advance).

Since the beginning of the crisis in Syria, the turkey had problems with this country over issues such as the political activities of the Kurds in PKK and how to divide the Euphrates water and Iskanderun province together. However, since 2011, turkey's foreign policy has become aggressive to the extent that it has provided logistical support as well as supported the establishment of a no-fly zone and military interventions in Syria, and in the last decade has become an active and influential actor in has become the region. Erdoğan government's uneven policies during this period have shown that Turkey has changed its positions many times to keep its interests in Syria stable. He considered the groups useful in achieving their goals in Syria, but it was not long before the extremist thought of a group like ISIS reached Turkey, which considers this country a tyranny, and Turkey's security environment faced insecurity. Besides these issues and solving these concerns, Turkey can also pursue its geopolitical interests. by showing strength in the field of Syrian conflicts, by trying to introduce itself as the superior power of the region, which is also present in NATO, and increase its strategic depth in the region, it can even reach the leadership of the modern Islamic world with the perspective of Latinism, like in the Ottoman era. On the way to achieving his goals in Syria, he can control the source of the Euphrates River and exert pressure on the Syrian government to force them to fulfill their wishes, and by turning this issue, he can go towards oil resources and oil fields and compensate for his lack of resources. Slow down and enter the field of oil geopolitics.

The methodology of this research is descriptive-analytical, which has a fundamental nature. In this research, using library studies and field findings, an attempt has been made to investigate Turkey's geopolitical interests and concerns in Syria. In the library findings section, books, media, theses, articles, and internet resources have been used, and field findings have been obtained through a questionnaire (50 items) received from experts in the field of political geography, geopolitics, political science, and international relations. Whose results have been analyzed using Spss software and T-Test?  

According to the library and field findings that were obtained through the questionnaire and its analysis by the relevant statistical test, it was determined that the strategic position of Syria and its position in the strategic depth of Turkey are the most important in terms of Turkey's geopolitical interest in Syria and gaining power. The Turkish element and their autonomy, as well as the influence of regional powers such as Iran, create the most important geopolitical concern for Turkey in Syria.