مجله پژوهش های سیاست اسلامی
پیاپی 21 (بهار و تابستان 1401)

"Crisis" has always been a common phenomenon in organizations and societies, and crisis management has been of great importance. Management science has studied "crisis management" since the late 1970s. "Crisis Management" deals with the necessity of systematic forecasting and getting ready to deal with a crisis that threatens the life of organizations and societies. The main question of this article is: What policies or solutions has the Quran provided for crisis management, focusing on the "Battle of Uhud"? The goal is to provide crisis management policies, focusing on the "Ehud War". The findings of the research indicate that the Holy Quran provides policies in the stages before, during and after the crisis. These policies include: determining the scope of the crisis through consultation, preventing the collapse of the forces and giving morale and hope by reminding of the guardianship, help and divine aid, as well as correcting the beliefs of the forces, reminding the fulfillment of the promise of divine help, reminding of valuable rewards, calling for the continuation of resistance, The promise of final victory, creating peace, mental and spiritual improvement by remembering the comparison between sufferings, forgiveness, analysis of the factors of failure and learning lessons. The research method is descriptive and analytical and using interpretations of the Holy Quran. And to achieve the classified pattern, the theme analysis method is also used.

In order to achieve the intellectual system of freedom in the Holy Qur'an, it is necessary to deal with a set of components based on the Qur'anic framework, all of which have a coherent design that leads to a complete picture of the image of freedom in the Holy Qur'an. One of these components is the "freedom agent". The present study seeks to answer the question of what elements in the Holy Qur'an are responsible for creating the necessary conditions for members of society to enjoy their freedoms and how do they achieve this important? To answer this question, To answer this question in the heart of the thematic research approach of the Holy Qur'an and based on the interpretation method of the Qur'an to the Qur'an, the freedom-oriented component is first discussed as the identifying axis of other components of the Quranic theory of freedom, and the element of "right" is identified as the determining content of this component. Establishment and sovereignty of rights in the field of society by creating order in human interactions provides the basis for cooperation and human enjoyment of freedom and eliminates tyranny and exploitation of human relations. Therefore, any factor that is responsible for designing, explaining, establishing and protecting the rule of law in the social arena is identified as an agent of freedom. Accordingly, the Holy Qur'an introduces religion, divine prophets, and the religious community as agents of freedom.

One of the basic requirements of reaching the ideal society of the Quran is the objective realization of velayat-madiari(orbital province) in the social arena and avoiding the province of taghut) tyranny(. This research with the title of social pathology of tendency to tyranny from the perspective of the Quran based on the crisis analysis method of Thomas Spriggans, while examining and comprehensively understanding the concept of tyranny, rooting the underlying factors, ways out of it and drawing the society It is desirable from the perspective of the Qur'an. The results of this research show that the prohibition of the tendency to tyranny includes all aspects of it, including the plan of friendship with the infidels, taking sides, winning arbitration and agreeing with them. According to the Qur'anic approach, the tendency of the religious community to tyrants is rooted in religious-moral factors such as ignorance of some divine affairs, fear of tyrants, suspicion of God's guardian, weakness of faith, compatibility and spiritual culture with tyrants, and also rooted in political factors. Social like the lack of insight in knowing the enemy, the influence of worldly attraction and deception of unbelievers in the souls of believers, the tyrant's malicious propaganda against the Right Front. One of the ways out of this harm is to strengthen the vision towards divine affairs, to know the truth of God's guardian and the tyranny, and the worldly and hereafter consequences of leaning towards it, and in the practical field to patience and piety, trust in God, Movement based on God's will and... pointed out. Also, preserving dignity and all-round independence for the community of faith in order to achieve a virtuous life is the desired and ideal society intended by the Qur'an.

The formation of sustainable security in its dimensions, levels and types in various security schools depends on specific theoretical foundations and influential components. Among the effective components in these schools are the actors for whom the task of producing security and protecting it is defined. The purpose of this article is to identify the security actors in Nahj al-Balaghah with a transcendental and transcendental perspective to create a system based on sustainable security and seeks to answer the question that Who are they? This article is influenced by the transcendent security approach and is organized by qualitative content analysis method. According to the monotheistic principles of security in the view of the wise and just Alawite system, the main difference between the activists of Imam Ali (AS) security school is in the divine approach and originality to the hereafter and at the same time accepting worldly security with its own principles, values and tendencies. In this view, God as the main actor of security has sovereignty and the leaders and guides in the Imamate system - the ummah along with organizational and sovereign actors in various types of security in a monotheistic society are responsible for creating a safe world - hereafter.

In every era, political discourse needs new words and techniques to adopt an appropriate strategy in dealing with different political groups. Discourse analysis reveals that any text is related to truth and to a source of power and determines the relationship between the author and the reader of the text. The present article uses the method of critical discourse analysis to examine the sermons and letters of the Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) with regard to the components of political language and tries to answer the questions of how he chose an appropriate strategy to interact with others through discourse making and politics. The result of the research indicates By looking at the discourse that considers the speaker and receiver elements of the text, the time and place conditions and the message of the text, we will find that the Prophet used the words and expressions of his time in discourse making. He tries to lead the discourse according to his own knowledge and according to his personality as the leader of the Muslim community, his themes and meanings sound religious and are directly related to his ideology and thoughts. In order for the Prophet to have the greatest impact on the soul of the recipient of his message and his audience, he uses the subject in the plural. Due to the context of situation, he uses the dialect and accent of the audience to reduce her emotional distance with them. The high frequency of present verbs in international political discourses indicates the Prophet's expectation of his present and future realities with his addressees. In this way, he has been able to give a special dynamism to his discourse.

This research has investigated the studies of religiosity and political culture in the Islamic Republic of Iran using a meta-analysis approach. The statistical population of the research includes master's theses, doctorate, and articles related to religiosity and political culture, of which 13 studies were included in the meta-analysis process using a non-random purposeful sampling method. Effect size coefficient was evaluated using CMA2 software. The results have shown that the effect size of religiosity studies with political culture is equal to 0.454, which is interpreted as moderate but upward based on Cohen's criterion. The results of the research have also shown that as time passes since the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the relationship between religiosity and political culture is increasing, which shows the variable importance of religiosity in increasing political culture in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Another result of this research is the moderating role of the geographical area of the research.. Therefore, taking into account the social conditions of the Iranian society and the studies that have been conducted in this field, political culture as a political phenomenon is influenced by various factors, including the religiosity of citizens, so this factor interacts with other factors in the society on the political culture of individuals. Society has an effect.

In dealing with the arrival of modernity in Iran, intellectuals have shown various reactions (history). Some rejected it, some imitated it, and some selected some of the modern principles (background). The religious modernists of the 1940s and 1950s, who on the one hand were concerned with religion and tradition, and on the other hand, called for the promotion of culture, technological progress, and the political development of the country; They wanted to create harmony between religion and a changing society, in the mind influenced by their modernity And establish a desirable socio-political order. Shahid Motahari is also included in this category. Therefore, in this research, based on Lacan's triple theory, we will investigate the effect of modern mentality on the desired political-social order in the thought of Shahid Motahari based on the descriptive-analytical method (problem and method). Therefore, in this article, the important question is about the desired type of government considered by Professor Motahari (Question). The result of the research shows that based on Lacan's theory, Motahari is against changing his identity and imitating another's identity; But at the same time, for the growth of Islamic-Iranian identity, it tends to benefit from Western facilities, technology and development. Therefore, on this basis and with the approach of accepting the modern objective achievements as imaginary and negating its epistemological aspects which were in conflict with the symbolic ruling of the society, he explains the theory of religious authority. (Finding)

During the four decades since the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran has faced various threats and opportunities, both internal and external. The constructive components of the Islamic Revolution, led by Imam Khomeini and then Ayatollah Khamenei, have put the Islamic system on a path that has made good use of opportunities to a large extent and has largely repelled threats.On the fortieth anniversary of the regime,the Supreme Leader of the Revolution in 1397 issued a statement "The second step of the revolution", to chart the future path of the Islamic regime in the second forty years.This strategic document outlines the atmosphere of the future that by analyzing the discourse governing the statement, the main threats and opportunities for the advancement of the Islamic system from the perspective of the second step statement can be analyzed and enumerated.On this basis, the main question of this research is formulated as follows:What are the main opportunities and threats for the advancement of the Islamic system based on the discourse of the statement of the second step of the revolution?In order to answer this main question, we have posed two sub-questions:1- How did the Leader of the Revolution represent his discourse in the statement of the second step?2- To what extent are the opportunities and threats for the advancement of the Islamic system represented in the discourse governing the second step statement? In this article, using the method of discourse analysis, we try to reveal the ideological components of the second step statement, which is somewhat formulated against the rival discourse and the concept of "enemy".Identify the main threats and opportunities envisaged in the discourse of the Supreme Leader of the Revolution for the second forty years of the Islamic system.

Political systems are confronted with various nationalisms, sometimes rejecting it as a divisive factor in a multicultural society, and sometimes using it as a common language to create social unity and cohesion. The latter application can be seen in Reza Shah's ethnic and nationalist policies, which in practice faced fundamental challenges. This article seeks to examine and evaluate the issue of failure and inefficiency of nationalism in the first Pahlavi period in a new approach and using the methodical possibilities of language game theory. The main question is why, despite the efforts of the government and the elites to popularize the language of nationalism, during the crisis and foreign intervention in Iran; This language did not have the necessary efficiency and the feeling of patriotism and martyrdom of the Iranian nation, which was claimed by this language, was not activated in the face of foreign forces and the exile of Reza Shah? Qualitative analysis of the available data based on the indicators of language game theory showed that the privatization of the language of nationalism in Iran during Reza Shah's time, led to its inefficiency. Private or imaginary nationalism, in other words, romanticism of this period, despite many efforts to make it public, remained confined only to modernist intellectuals, the Shah and his court, and due to its incompatibility with the way of life of Iranian society, had no roots in religious and cultural belief. Its grammar is full of anti-religious and anti-Islamic rules; Led to failure and inefficiency.

After the bitter experience of Iran's defeat in the Russian wars and the acquaintance of the educated class with the civilizational advances of the West, a class of Iranian intellectuals gradually emerged who worked to eliminate backwardness and progressiveness until the establishment of the constitution and the fall of the Qajar dynasty.In introducing the most prominent figures of the first generation of this movement, we can mention Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi and Mirza Malkam Khan Nazim al-Dawlah as two religious and western intellectuals.In the current research, we have investigated the opinions of these two thinkers with a comparative method to answer the question of what are the similarities and differences in the approach of these two personalities in facing Western modernity; With the aim of gaining a better understanding of the basis of today's differences between the intellectual current and the Western world.This research is based on his written and library works in Spriggan's crisis-oriented theoretical framework.In expressing the results of the research, it can also be said: both want political-religious reforms and see the crisis in the backwardness of the understanding of the contemporary world; However, with a selective, critical and transnational perspective, Asadabadi is trying to pursue the goal of Islamic unity and prosperity by awakening the Islamic Ummah. But Malkam Khan is looking for a pure imitation of the principles of Western modernity in order to make the despotic Iranian nation progressive.

This article focuses on explaining the concept of the think tank(hiat andishevarz) as a strategic and influential institution in the decision-making and policy-making process of the country. The purpose of this article is to draw and present an indigenous model compatible with the ecosystem governance in Iran, from this strategic institution. The foundation's data theorizing strategy was used to design the model and exploratory interview tools were used to collect the data. The sample was interviewed by 12 experts and thinkers with at least 20 years of experience in think tanks, strategic and research centers in the country, which were selected using purposive sampling. Adequate number of samples was obtained from theoretical saturation. This research is based on purpose, developmental application and descriptive exploratory method. The findings indicate that the think tanks of the Islamic Republic at the great level can help to smarten and establish the governance system of the country and in addition to the common functions, functions such as governing body, guide of main policies, protection and Supervise, explain the principles, concepts and theoretical frameworks, create discourse, observe and produce ideas, strengthen the internal structure of power, socialize and lay the groundwork for a new Islamic civilization, use popular participation and mobilization in policy-making, decision-making, referendum and problem solving.

Multiple and different perceptions of the necessity of confiscation of enemy property and ambiguity in the nature, effects and conditions of this principle in war, it has led to violations of human property rights. One of the best ways to resolve the ambiguities of comparative study, confiscation of property in war is at the top of Islam and contemporary history. The questions that arise are: What property is necessary in the confiscation war? What property belongs to the enemy in the war? (Question). It is assumed that confiscation of property is necessary: it is used directly for military purposes and may change military targets, or slow down the enemy's access to military targets and confiscation of property that had military use and belonging to the enemy, it can be confiscated (Hypothesis). Therefore, in the present article with comparative analytical and the use of method library resources(Method). it seeks to analyze the enemy's property (military and civilian property) and the impact of confiscation of these properties in achieving military objectives(Target). That in both the early periods of Islam and contemporary history, confiscation of enemy property was accepted, but, the difference in proportion, necessity and separation between military and civilian property is that, in Islam, the confiscated property is proportionate, it's been with the conditions and conditions of each war, but in contemporary history between confiscated property there is no necessity, proportionality and distinction(findings).