نشریه سیاست پژوهی اسلامی ایرانی
پیاپی 4 (زمستان 1401)

This paper is about to provide a conceptual model from the process of political identity construction according to the social constructionist views : of Kenneth Gergen and Stuart Hall. . . .In the social constructionist view of point, there is no reality in a discourse that can represent itself without language . . Language is not only a mere way of comprehending the meaning of reality but also a main way of constructing the whole reality .In the constructionist approach, identity, especially the political one, is considered an institutional reality and a linguistic implication with complete dependence on linguistic representation . .The author mentioned that for comprehending the process of political identity construction, it is necessary to comprehend the process of representations of stereotypes and warrant voices in each political discourse, due to the representation of political identity in the constructed political voices and stereotypes . .

The religious and political teachings of Shariati in Hosseiniyeh Irshad during the years 1347 to 1351 attracted many audiences , which had a significant impact on the society . It seems that Shariati's teachings were based on an ideological and political interpretation of Islam with direct ( and undisguised ) influences from Marxism, Socialism and Existentialism , which established its intellectual foundations . For this reason, this article aims to examine Ali Shariati' s political ideas and at what level Shariati's political thoughts are connected to the components of political thought , political philosophy , and political theory . Therefore, with the research approach of documentary analysis based on Quentin Skinner's intentionalist hermeneutic method , as the basis of the present research , " contexts " and " motives " and " author's intention " in the intellectual life and works of Ali Shariati are investigated and recognized . .

Iran''s encounter with Western civilization is the most important cultural phenomenon in Iran''s history after Iran''s encounter with Islam. On the one hand, it was the West that was attacking and on the other hand, an old Illyrian empire with kings who believed it was good to maintain the old balance, and for this reason, there is a need to analyze the face of Iranians in the Qajar era with modernity and Its complications should be paid. This research has been organized using the library and documentary tools and phenomenological method, and it seeks to investigate the question of what effect has the gradual invasion of modernity had on Iranians'' perception of facing this new phenomenon? And it is based on the assumption that the complications of the entry of modernity have led to the functional-identity refusal of Iranians and the symbolic sterility of Iranians in adopting a suitable reaction. According to the findings of the research, the Iranian subject, affected by the entry of the western "other" and modernity, suffered infertility and started non-symbolic identification with it.

Roman Seljuk or Anatolian Seljuk refers to the group of famous Seljuk sultans who, during the time of Suleiman bin Qatlamesh, gained the lands beyond Rome and Anatolia from Malik Shah, and after the fall of the Seljuks of Iran, they ruled in the northwest of Iran for a long time. The meeting of this dynasty with the Mongols in 629 and coming under the citizenship of Ilkhans is one of the main topics of this article. The results of this research show that from the perspective of Thomas Hobbs's political theory, Ilkhans were able to overcome the Roman Seljuks by relying on autocratic rule. In addition, the confrontation and interaction between Ilkhans and Seljuks can be evaluated with Hobbes's critical approach. The current research aims to investigate Hobbes's theory of government and power with an analytical and explanatory method, to examine the action and interaction of the Ilkhans and Seljuks of Anatolia.In addition, the confrontation and interaction between Ilkhans and Seljuks can be evaluated with Hobbes's critical approach. The current research aims to investigate Hobbes's theory of government and power with an analytical and explanatory method, to examine the action and interaction of the Ilkhans and Seljuks of Anatolia.

With the brutal and relentless invasion of the Mongols, the people of Iran went to the spiritual leaders and mystics such as Khalifa Mazandarani and Seyyed Qawamuddin Marashi, and by suppressing them, they came to Seyyed Fazlullah Abadi (796-740 AH), who was a mystic, poet and Shiite revolutionary in It was his era and he also established a movement that continued for centuries and was called Alphabet.His political thoughts were expressed in the form of famous poems and coded numbers that were not understandable for the organization, and at the same time, he created an intellectual umbrella that attracted the aspirants. In the basics of his political thinking, he is based on anthropocentrism on behalf of the professions, artists and thinkers of that era, who came to the political field to confront the destructions of Timur and caused a serious crisis to the government. It presents a new school of thought, which creates an incident in the political arena of Anatolia, the Balkans, and the Levant after itself, and finds supporters in the form of a political school for centuries.

The governance gap is one of the most important political damages that can occur in a political system. These gaps arise due to the lack of a general agreement on the sources of power and how to distribute it, and arise from the inability of the political elites to provide a correct understanding of these issues. Therefore, when a military is faced with this injury, it suffers major problems in various fields, both domestic and foreign. In the Islamic Republic, in spite of the over-discourse of the Islamic Revolution for relatively long years, there has been no consensus among the political elites in various fields or it has been very weak, and this has led to the creation of various sub-discourses. These sub-discourses in conflict with each other have blocked the way to the correct policy making and have caused confusion in domestic and foreign policies. The present article, with the discourse method, while referring to these sub-discourses, seeks to understand the results of this governance gap in Iran's policies in the region and the Islamic world with the hypothesis that: "The governance gap in the Islamic Republic of Iran causes a decrease in the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region and This issue weakens the position of aligned Islamic countries and strengthens competitors."

The problem of gender discrimination against women over the world, has made finding a solution a necessity; thus, the concept of women's empowerment entered the development discourse. The poor situation of women in Muslim countries compared to other developing and developed countries has raised many questions, which some have attributed it to Islamic beliefs common in these societies. The lack of a research dealing directly with the relationship between Islamic teachings and women's empowerment and the importance of the topic in the dominant discourse of development in today world necessitates the need for research on this topic. Therefore, this question is raised, what capacities does Islam has for empowering women? The hypothesis of the research is that Respecting women, accepting the right to education and securing their economic rights are among the most important capacities of Islam for empowering women. In line with qualitative research method, for data collection, the existing scientific theoretical works such as the authoritative articles and books were used, and for data analysis, to describe the research problem and introduce the empowerment theory, descriptive method and to evaluate the compatibility of Islamic rulings and teachings with empowerment theory, analytical-comparative method was used. The findings of the article confirm the hypothesis and show that Islamic principles derived from Quran have the necessary capacity to empower Muslim women and eliminate discrimination, injustice and inequality against them.

abstractKhuzestan province faced a new cultural, security, political, economic, and environmental trend since 2004. In this article, an attempt was made to examine the most important factors of the Khuzestan crisis.With a mixed approach, the researchers, while using the opinion documents of 5 experts, counted the factors of the crisis and after compiling and distributing the questionnaire, they counted the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats and based on that, they presented coping strategies.Promoting and protecting the cultural discourse, making the economic, political and environmental system more efficient and confronting terrorist groups as a strategy, ethnic and religious convergence and water management as a solution, synergy of responsible institutions, cohesion and solidarity of ethnic groups, allocating a percentage of oil sales, monitoring the flow Anti-security as evaluation indicators and the degree of dependence on the Shiite religion, the amount of use of the provincial forces, and the reduction of terrorist acts were calculated as performance indicators.The nature of Khuzestan crisis is of a mixed nature. An issue that the effective and relevant actors have focused on soft measures with a combined design without hard measures, an issue that requires short-, medium- and long-term planning to limit and eventually stop it. Solving many of the described factors or reducing their effects and consequences, along with solving economic problems, will reduce harsh measures and ultimately reduce the phenomenon of religious changes.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the effect of marginalization affected by land reforms in 1963 on riots and popular protests and to provide an answer to these questions: what were land reforms and what were their characteristics and in what political system and the urban system has taken place and what effects it has had on urban political protests. The findings of the authors show that the changes in the production method with the collapse of the semi-feudal system and at the same time the formation of the capitalist system influenced by the world system and also the will of the West with the motivation of injecting modernization and development into the countries The Third World and its guidance by the ruler of the time, which led to land reforms, ultimately led to social mobility and population displacement, which led to the emergence of marginalization in the suburbs of big cities. But the result of this modernization, despite the development of the center of big cities, was nothing but poverty, inequality and injustice for the residents of the suburbs, which itself led to the formation of grounds for uprisings and riots. But what separates this article from other related writings is a new look and an innovative approach to the subject, which is accompanied by a theoretical and methodological innovation. In this article, using the theories of Walt Whitman Rostow, Andre Gunder Frank and Emanuel Wallerstein, the issue has been examined at three levels of micro, medium and macro analysis and the results of the discussion have been analyzed

Among the movements that are trying nowadays to have an impressive effect in the Middle East developments, can refer to the Islamic Resistance Front . This movement has been effective in the context of Middle East and international system's political, social developments in the last few decades, meanwhile was able to be widely discussed with the inspiration and modeling of the Islamic Revolution discourse. Accordingly, the discourse of the Islamic Resistance Front has been able to develop a more serious confrontation in a growing power with the domination system through the support of Islamic Revolution of Iran, so that it can be said that this confrontation with the domination system in countries such as Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Yemen has been led to a change in the challenges and the defeat of arrogant hegemony in the region. Considering the trend of global and regional developments after Islamic Revolution's victory and the spread of resistance act against the forces of anti-domineering, as well as the lack of available researches in this article has been tried to use Laclau and mouffe theory in an analytical-descriptive method and discourse analysis technique to response the question of how to explain the discourse of resistance and its consequences in the Middle East. The findings of this research indicate that the signs classified in the discourse of resistance can be classified into two categories. The first part is negative (negation) factors and the second one is affirmative (positivity) factors. The anti-dominance exists in the center of resistance discourse's negativity dimension, namely, negating domination and anti-dominance are the most important sign of negativity. But the most important affirmative forms of the resistance discourse, which are at the center of it, are some concepts like seeking justice, seeking rights, pacifism, dignity, authority, spiritualism and pragmatism.