مجله تاریخ ایران
سال شانزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 92، بهار و تابستان 1402)

Ghazali’s tendency towards a Sufistic worldview and life, especially after his repentance, influenced his political vision. The impact of this event on Ghazali's seclusion and the strengthening of his Sufistic worldview was significant, inasmuch as his special language as a prominent Sufi was reflected in his writings in general and especially in his political writings. This was a sort of intellectual experience, which, with the support of Ghazali’s life experiences in the field of Sufism and pious life, led to a closer and more integration of mystical insight and the principles of Iranshahri politics by him. As a result, his orations to the sultans and the pillars of power and monarchy were directed towards more ascetic, pious, spiritual, and cautious advice. This phenomenon deeply affected his expository literature, especially in his political writings. The hypothesis of this research is that Ghazali’s repentance led to the integration and fusion of the two visions of Iranshahrian politics and Sufistic-mystical visions in such a way that, under its influence, concepts such as justice, monarchy, power, tax and ministry, etc were interpreted in an otherworldly and Sufistic context. In this research, in an analytical method and based on the analysis of Makatib’s treatise, the impact of his Sufistic-mystical worldview and life in the creation of a mystical-sufic narrative of Iransharian politics will be reconsidered.

Belief in evil is one of the long-standing and widespread themes in human religious thoughts. A Belief, which is rooted in the idea of imbalance and corruption in existence. In the history of religion, the most distinct image of the concept of evil is the visualization of the devil’s nature. It is noteworthy that the image and description of evil in human minds has been heterogeneous and diverse throughout history and this diversity has shown the multiplicity of the roots of the belief in this idea. Some researchers believe that the visual and conceptual motifs are closely related in human thoughts; that is every image contains a specific conceptual motif as each word has its signifier and signified. Therefore, the image of the devil, doubtlessly, encompasses a hidden idea in a religious narrative of the concept of evil. For example, the image of the devil in the gnostic texts bears a Mesopotamian mark on the concept of evil, which in turn confirms that not only the image of the devil but the conceptual motif of evil and its presence in existence must be rooted in Mesopotamian mythology. Accordingly, the present study seeks to rediscover the roots of imagination and the image of the devil in Gnostic religions, based on the analytical and descriptive approach of Manichaean, Gnostic, and Mesopotamian primary sources. The results of this research show that the motifs, concepts, and image of the devil in these religions have a Mesopotamian root, which has been depicted as the myth of the devil in Gnostic beliefs.

Reflecting on the concept of fashion design shows its close connection with fashion and the distinction of this profession from tailoring. Although there are extensive and reliable documents about the history of clothing in Iran, there is no detailed research about the position of the clothing design profession and its formation in the social history of Iran. Based on a descriptive-analytical approach and using historical sources and archaeological evidence, this article seeks to clarify the ambiguous situation of the background of the fashion design profession in Iran. According to the findings, there are no serious signs of the existence of the fashion design profession before contact with the West among the activities of Iranian tailors and other related people and jobs such as their guild supervisors, painters, and courtiers. By studying historical documents, the connection with the West during the second Qajar period, the presence of European tailors, and the establishment of Western schools seem to have been effective in the formation and promotion of this skill as a new profession in Iran. However, the findings show that this issue was not related to the lack of familiarity of Iranians with tailoring skills, but due to their disregard for fashion and frequent changes in clothing.

One of the issues faced by the Qajar government in the second half of the 13th/19th century was the mass migration of the people. The migration took place from 1266 AH/1850 AD and to a relatively larger extent, from 1286 AH/1870 AD, from different provinces of Iran to other lands, especially the Southern Caucasus. Consequently, several thousand people left their homeland every year to work. As soon as they arrived in these areas, the migrants were employed in the worst conditions in factories, oil industries, villages, farms, docks, etc. in the worst conditions. In this article, an attempt has been made to use a descriptive-analytical approach based on collecting data from archival sources and adopting the theoretical framework of attraction and repulsion models based on the opinions of thinkers such as Ravenstein, Thomas, and Everett S. Lee, to explain the causes of the Iranian labor force migrates to the Caucasus. This research proposes that the economic, political, and social factors as push and pull factors in the origin and destination created a sort of imbalance that caused the migration of Iranian labor to the Caucasus and this process continued over the years.

Iran is the first country in the Middle East where oil was produced and the first country whose oil industry was nationalized. Oil has always been the most important source of foreign exchange earnings and one of the main sources of development programs and annual budgets in Iran. Oil price fluctuations and impulses, and their direct impact on government revenues in different eras have caused changes in the economic, political, and social spheres. The purpose of this research is to investigate the position, part, and importance of the oil revenues in the first to fifth development programs during the Pahlavi era. This research is qualitative, and the data collection method is based on archival sources with a descriptive-historical method for data analysis. The results of the research showed that the reduction and elimination of oil revenues after the boycott of this industry (due to the nationalization of the oil industry) was the main reason for the failure of the first development program, which did not reach its goals. Nevertheless, in the second development program, oil has been one of the main economic growth sectors of this plan. Although in the second development program, the service sector had the most important role, from 1963 onwards, the oil sector was again considered the main sector of Iran's economy until the end of the fifth development program. In the third and fourth programs, oil is placed as the main support for the remarkable success and proper growth of these plans. Therefore, from the third development program to the end of the Pahlavi era, the oil production amount and incomes increased. After the feverish increase of oil prices in the world markets in the early 1970s, the forecast of a sharp increase in oil revenues was one of the main factors for the revision of the fifth development program.

The movement of Sheikh Obaidullah Nahri (Shamzini) took place in 1297 AH (1880 AD) during the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar. To understand the aspects of the movement and the context in which it was formed, the political situation in the Kurdish regions of Iran and the Ottoman Empire must be carefully examined. This research has used the descriptive-explanatory method to analyze data and information collected in the form of libraries and documents. This study seeks to answer the question of the effect of the political situation in the Kurdish regions of Iran and the Ottoman Empire on the formation of the Sheikh Obaidullah Nahri movement. The results show that the geographical location of the Kurdish regions, the unstable situation of Iranian and Ottoman Kurdistan due to the inefficient policy and inability of the central government to maintain order and security in these areas, as well as the tyrannical and marauding behavior of local rulers, unplanned taxation and so forth, forced the people of these areas to revolt to get rid of the current situation. Meanwhile, Sheikh Obaidullah Nahri as the religious leader of the Kurds reacted to the social and economic situation of Kurdistan with a considerate political move.

The constitutional revolution set the stage for introducing new concepts in the socio-political field. Since only a handful of prominent figures of the Qajar period were conscious of the meanings of these concepts, it became necessary to enlighten and explain them. The concept of equality was one of the most challenging notions that called into question earlier teachings. Until then, the meaning of equality in Islamic jurisprudential literature was explained by the concept of justice. Nevertheless, there was no clear relation between the criteria of justice and the concept of equality. This caused a great deal of controversy, especially between Mashroeh Khah (The religious traditionalists) and Mashroteh Khah (The radical constitutionalists). In this way, the definition of equality and its relation to justice became necessary. The principal purpose of this paper is to scrutinize the constitutionalists’ ideas, meanings, and interpretations regarding the concept of equality. While examining this concept, the author found that the constitutionalists’ logic in defining equality was somewhat exaggerated and was due to the failure to take into account the social context, the circumstances, and the political literacy of the people; to the extent that it led to confusion in the relationship between equality and justice. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the United States of America had the most advanced economy in the world. This issue did not escape the sharp eyes of the Iranian intellectuals and modernists of the Qajar period, and they followed with exemplary obsession how the economy of this new country flourished. The current research tries to answer these questions by using unpublished archival documents in Iran: How did the intellectuals and progressives introduce the economy and finance of America? What results did these findings have for Iran? And to what extent did the First World War play a role in increasing or decreasing commercial and financial exchanges between Iran and the United States? The findings of this study, which is based on the analytical descriptive method, show that the intellectuals, in order to show the importance of American trade, in the first step compared the exploitation of underground resources in America and Iran with a critical view, and in this way, the importance and necessity of expanding trade relations with this country. warned the officials of the Iranian government. Further, in their reports, they showed the desirable state of American trade during the First World War and the years after the war compared to other countries in the world.

There is very little information about the beginnings of Ahwaz. Although the establishment of an urban settlement in this area is speculated as from the Elamite period onwards, the oldest historical and archeological evidence about this city does not go beyond the Sassanid or Parthian era. According to the Sassanid texts, such as the Šahrestānīhā ī Ērānšahr (The Provincial Capitals of Iran), and a large number of Islamic chronicles, at this time, a city called “Hormuz Ardeshir” was built by Ardeshir Babakan or his grandson Hormuz Ardeshir in this area. According to narratives, like many pre-Islamic Iranian cities, this city had a bifurcated structure - the civil and the administrative sections-which were called Hujistan Vajar and the Hormuz Ardeshir respectively. With the advent of Islam, the administrative section disappeared but the civil section remained with the Arbicized name of “Suq-al-Ahvaz”, although the narration is not without ambiguity and confusion. This article, to obtain a more accurate picture of these narrations and consequently the old Ahvaz, seeks to take a closer look at the founding narrations of Ahvaz using historical research method and by analyzing and comparing these narrations. In addition to removing the above-mentioned ambiguity and confusion, such a study can provide good support for research on history identity and field studies on the current Ahvaz, as one of the legacies of Iran’s urban planning history. The results provide a new narrative on the formation of Ahvaz during the Sassanid era, which is slightly different from previous accounts. At the same time, it can provide a more appropriate combination of different and sometimes contradictory narrations about this city. Furthermore, it can offer a new hypothesis about the location of Ram Ardeshir or Ramesh Ardeshir, one of the first cities founded by Ardeshir Babakan. According to this research, Hormuz Ardeshir and Hūjistan Vajar are both names of the same place, i.e. the civil section of the Sassanid city, which continued to exist even after the advent of Islam by becoming “Suq-al-Ahvaz”. On the other hand, the administrative section and the first Sassanid city in this area was Ram Ardeshir or Ramesh Ardeshir, which disappeared in the Islamic era; a fact that probably led to the confusion of the geographical and historical texts of the Islamic era about its location.

The political atmosphere after Shahrivar 1320 led to growth and conflict in opinions. At this time, political parties tried to advance their goals. Bahmad Azadegan party was established in 1320 and its founder Ahmad Kasravi became one of the controversial figures. Kasravi started on the path of reforms in 1311 by writing the Book of Religion and in 1312 by founding the Peyman magazine. Kasravi’s interpretation of religion with the name Pakdini and the publication of the book Varjavand Bonyad opened a new chapter in his research. During the years of activity and after, there were criticisms about Kasravi’s prophethood claim. In the current research, we are addressing the question of whether Kasravi claimed to be a prophet. Moreover, why did the opponents put him in the position of claiming to be a prophet? According to the findings of the research, Kasravi did not claim to be a prophet; However, the incorrect understanding of the Qur'an, which was accompanied by contradictions, and the introduction of Varjavand Bonyad as a guidebook, led to criticism. In the meantime, Nawab Safavi’s defeat in the debate and the publication of a declaration about Kasravi’s prophethood made everyone aware of the criticism. Therefore, considering the passivity of religious institutions in dealing with Kasravi’s discourse, the accusation of claiming to be a prophet based on the analysis and interpretation of his words was accepted by a part of the society. The formation of the fighting group, the fierceness and increased intensity of Kasravi’s writing, which did not allow him to reconsider his view, and the incomplete and one-sided perception of the opponents, led to an increase in accusations, and as a result, some of the critics considered him a prophet. The present article has investigated the issue, using archival resources and a descriptive-explanatory method.

By creating a centralized government, the Safavid's revived the historical territory of Iran and gave legitimacy to Shiism. Some claim that the Safavid's created a national government and gave Iranians a new national identity and unity. Two decades after the Islamic revolution, the idea popularized that the establishment of the Safavid government was the origin of the contemporary/modern history of Iran. If considerate the importance of this claim and its consequences, this article evaluates the issue of whether the emergence of the Safavid is really the origin of Iran's contemporary history, and can we talk about the national government and the formation of a national identity during the Safavid period.The author categorizes the most important ideas raised in this regard in the form of three discourses: orientalist, pan Iran, and Shiite. The article concludes that the establishment of the Safavid government is the origin of a new historical period in the framework of it is the middle period of Iran and its continuation, not the origin of the new or contemporary history of Iran. Because with the Safavid's government, neither a new civilization was established in Iran, that would bring Iran into the modern era, nor did Iran participate in the new European civilization to benefit from its facilities and opportunities, nor a new definition of its position in relation to Presented with modernity. As a result, the Safavid continued the per-modern period of Iran only by changing the religion and changing the relationship between religion and the state.

Kerman was considered one of the main centers of carpet production and trade in the Qajar period. Despite the fact that until the end of the 19thcentury, affected by the prosperity of the shawl weaving industry, the Kerman carpet industry did not enjoy much prestige. But with the stagnation of shawl weaving from the end of this century, carpet production and trade flourished. In this period, under the influence of the available capacities inthat area for carpet production and the increase in demand in the world markets for Kerman carpets, domestic and foreign capital was used in the said industry and the production and trade of carpets also expanded. This research aims to investigate the research problem, that is, the state and evolution of carpet production and trade in Kerman during the Qajar period, with the descriptive-analytical method and using archival documents and library sources. According to the findings of the research, in the early Qajar period, carpet weaving in Kerman among urban, rural and nomadic weavers was done in a limited way and was considered as a domestic commercial product. But since the last decades of this century, with the investment of Tabriz businessmen and foreign companies inthe carpet industry of that region and the establishment of carpet weaving workshops, not only the volume of carpet production increased, but also the value of its export prospered. So that at the end of the Qajar period, Kerman carpet had a major share of the carpet market in Europe and America.