مجله تاریخ ایران
سال شانزدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 93، پاییز و زمستان 1402)

Since 1332 AH (1914 AD), the migration of Russian subjects to northern Iran was the beginning of a new chapter in the relations between Iran and Russia. The main cause of this matter was the change in Russian immigration policy, which made it a political strategy for Russia. The Russian government planned to colonize these areas by settling immigrants in the northern parts of Iran, especially in Astarabad province, and gradually separate them from Iran. The immigrants who arrived in this area were composed of different groups who had their own reasons for migration. This article attempts to identify the composition of Russian immigrants in Iran and the reasons for their migration, the process of migration to Astarabad, and the response of Iranian authorities and local governors using a descriptive-analytical method based on archival and documentary sources. The results show that the immigrants were mainly Turkmen and Molokans who were encouraged by Russian statesmen through the promise of land. Consequently, their arrival in Astarabad led to the appropriation and seizure of the land, which in turn increased Russian power and influence in the area and left a deep cultural impact.

The present study aims to investigate the impact of the Samanid, Ghaznavid and Buyid governments on foreign trade in their respective territories based on an analytical method and archival-documentary data collection. The results show that the formation of the Samanid, Ghaznavid and Buyid states from the end of the third century AH led to a relative stabilization of the political situation, which in turn resulted in a growth of the urban economy, including markets, industry and especially trade. The large amount of Samanid silver coins found in Europe (due to the importation of slaves and other trade goods from Eastern Europe) indicates the outflow of a large amount of liquidity from Samanid territory, resulting in an unfavorable balance of trade. In the Ghaznavid period, on the other hand, liquidity increased due to the inflow of huge gold and silver reserves, which effectively facilitated trade and minting. In western Iran, the Buyids, unlike their two eastern neighbors, used the gold and silver reserves to support the textile industry, which allowed trade to flourish. Finally, a similar pattern can be observed in all three states: Measures such as minting coins of high fineness, maintaining the value of the coins, securing the roads by eradicating bandits, placing signposts in the deserts, building caravanserais and bridges over the rivers, Rabat and wells along the roads, which significantly increased and improved domestic and foreign trade.

With the emergence and spread of political parties and newspapers in the wake of the constitutionalrevolution, various articles were published with the aim of social reform. The women's question was oneof the most important topics of the articles, so much so that some newspapers focused exclusively on thissubject. As one of the women’s magazines, Šokūfeh criticized the position of women in Iranian society,but at the same time tried to improve their status and role. In this article, the role of women in pre-constitutional Iran will be examined and the characteristics of the ideal woman from the perspective ofŠokūfeh will be described using the method of qualitative content analysis. In addition, the article aims toshow the status of women in pre-constitutional Iran and the impact of social and cultural changes after theconstitutional revolution on the portrayal of the ideal woman in the press, especially in Šokūfeh. Theresults show that the ideal Iranian woman had to be educated and have a critical view of things. Inaddition, she had to engage in social activities such as promoting women's literacy, avoiding blindimitation of consumer culture and acquiring domestic skills such as caring for her husband, cooking,sewing and child rearing in a theoretical and practical sense. The ideal Iranian woman had to be qualifiedin all the qualities that made her a more effective activist in the social, political, economic and domesticspheres, including appearance, moral and educational qualities.

One of the most important political and cultural developments in the social history of Iran is the establishment of new schools in the Qajar period; a prolonged process that began in the Naserid period with the invention of the phonetic alphabet by Mirza Hasan Rushdieh and gradually spread from the west of Iran to other regions of the country after overcoming many obstacles in the confrontation between tradition and modernity. After the establishment of Saadat School in Bushehr, the change in Iran's educational structure spread to other southern ports, including Bandar Lenge. The new schools, located directly on the Persian Gulf and at the southern gateway to the country, attracted the attention of foreign businessmen and diplomats. From the very beginning, in the post-constitutional period, the establishment of these schools was met with resistance. However, the schools managed to overcome the oppositions and obtain the approval of the Ministry of Education, so they continued to operate during the Pahlavi period. The present article was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and is based on primary archival sources such as documents and newspapers. The aim of the article is to examine the introduction of new educational methods in the schools in Bandar Lenge. The result shows that social conditions, the performance of various individuals and institutions and foreign support played a decisive role in the establishment of new schools. In addition, the frequent presence of foreigners under the pretext of financial aid and educational support became one of the ways to increase foreign influence.

Power outages in Iran are not a new issue, and in the last years of the Pahlavi regime, the population was affected by widespread power outages. The unbridled growth of Tehran in the 1350s and the lack of necessary development in the production sector in relation to the population on the one hand and the increase in the growth rate of electricity demand compared to the growth rate of electricity supply and the lack of necessary investment for the development of electricity production and transmission and distribution capacity on the other hand, had led to blackouts and electricity shortages. To solve the blackout problem of power outage and prevent a recurrence, the government took several measures including turning off the lights in the streets, parks and government offices in the early hours of the night and temporary power outages in residential areas and neighborhoods across the country, especially in Tehran. Other solutions such as implementing the blackout and darkness plan (passive air defense) in Tehran, turning off the lights of some streets in Tehran and establishing a program to reduce the load consumption of the interconnected grid during emergencies were also been used by the Electricity Department to provide electricity to the city of Tehran. This article aims to investigate the causes and consequences of power outage in Tehran during the last decade of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s rule. The result of the research show that despite the measures taken by the authorities, the problem of blackouts continued in the domestic sector, to such an extent that the government was forced to close factories and production units in order to deal with the peak electricity consumption in the summer and solve the issue of electricity shortage.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Iran and the Ottoman Empire witnessed political movements triggered by the weakening of social solidarity, mainly due to the changes in the external and internal conditions of the Islamic world and a long period of political and social processes. From this point of view, the theologians (ulemaʾ) in both countries began their theoretical and practical activities to preserve and stabilize their societies. Among these scholars were the ulemaʾ of Najaf, who played a significant role in the development of new concepts and the transmission of ideas between the two countries due to their residence on Ottoman soil and their strong cultural ties with Iran. One of these ulemaʾ was Agha Najafi Quchani, a disciple of Akhund Khorasani and one of the defenders of his principled approach to the constitution. This article attempts to examine Aghanajafi Quchani’s approach to the challenges of maintaining social solidarity and protecting the citadel of Islam (Beyze-ye Islam) in the Iranian and Ottoman constitutions. The article argues that in Agha Najafi’s view, the four main components of constitutionalism, collective rationality, moral freedom and social equality were the basis for the maintenance of social solidarity and the protection of the citadel of Islam. This article was written using a documentary research method and is based on Durkheim’s theory of social solidarity

Following the opening of the political and intellectual space in Iran in the 1320s, various political parties emerged with their different ideologies and programs. One of these parties was “the Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” (Jamʿiyyat-e Azadi-ye Mardom-e Iran), which began its activities around the same time as the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. This article aims to explain the ideology and the political, social and economic goals of “the Association for the Freedom of the Iranian People” based on a descriptive-analytical method using primary sources. The party, based on its own analysis, saw Iranian society on the verge of social transformation and promoted agendas based on a specific ideology to realize this transformation. The basis for this ideology was theistic socialism, i.e. a combination of socialism and Islamic religious identity, on the basis of which the party pursued its goals. Among the most important goals pursued by the party were the protection of Iran's independence and territorial integrity, the creation of a democratic national government, the nationalization of natural resources and their exploitation on the basis of a national socialist ideology, the development of mechanization, the cession of agricultural land to farmers, the extension of property rights, the nationalization of heavy industry, the provision of public health care and cultural products, thefight against materialistic and superstitious ideas, the support of Islamic principles to strengthen faith, intellectual and moral growth in society, the guarantee of women’s rights and the strengthening of the family structure.

The aim of this article is to draw an overall picture of the past and present situation of Iranian Baluchis in East Africa and the way they adapt to the new environment, based on an examination of various aspects of the reasons and ways of migration. Identifying the reasons for Baluch migration to East Africa and the impact of their presence on the indigenous population (and vice versa) are the main objectives of this article. The hypothesis of the article is that the indigenous population of East Africa welcomed the immigrants and established an amicable relationship with them. The theoretical framework of this article is based on the “interactive theory of acculturation and integration index in acculturation model” by Richard Bourhis. The author has attempted to examine the cultural interaction between Baluch immigrants and East African natives through qualitative content analysis, analysis of historical sources and field research as well as personal observations. The bilateral socio-cultural consequences of Baluch immigration to East Africa are considered as independent variables

This article examines the peasant livelihood and income levels of farmers in Gilan from the end of the Naserid period to the constitutional period. The basis for this study is the evaluation of the prevailing idea put forward in the works generally written about the social history of Qajar Iran. It is assumed that the Iranian peasantry lived in sheer poverty and at subsistence level due to extreme oppression. This article first assesses the income level of Gilak peasants based on the ratio of landowners to peasants in Gilan. Then, considering the basic income, it has demonstrated that Gilak farmers enjoyed a higher quality of livelihood compared to other Iranian farmers. Based on the available evidence and statistics, it can be claimed that at least during the period in question, economic pressure did not cause a predicament in the daily necessities of Gilak farmers. Therefore, we must look elsewhere for the reasons for their discontent during this period.

After the constitutional revolution, women in the provinces, as well as in the capital, became involved in social activities such as the founding of schools, associations and newspapers. Women in Fārs and the city of Bushehr (which was part of the province during the Pahlavi period) also followed suit. This research attempts to determine the characteristics of women’s first experiences in journalism and the people involved based on a descriptive-analytical method using archival documents. According to the research findings, Shaukat Salami, one of the leading educated women in Bushehr at the beginning of the Pahlavi period, founded the first school for girls in Bushehr with the help of dignitaries and merchants of the city. Later, she published the Nurafshan newspaper to achieve women’s rights and their participation in political and social activities. Although it was a right-wing newspaper, Nurafshan published articles on women’s demands in all its issues

The legitimacy of the Safavid dynasty was widespread to the extent that hardly anyone believed that they could be replaced as kings of Iran. The long shadow of the Safavid dynasty persisted even for years after its demise insofar as the main problem of Ashraf Afghan's government was its lack of legitimacy. Accordingly, all his efforts were devoted to solving this problem. This article attempts to examine the reasons for Ashraf Afghan’s lack of legitimacy, his solutions and the degree of his success based on a descriptive-analytical method and using primary archival sources. The findings show that the shadow of Safavid legitimacy weighed on Ashraf Afghan’s government, forcing him to use various means togain legitimacy. These included issuing letters of amnesty, confirming the deed of endowment for Shiite holy sites, minting coins with legends that would not provoke his Shiite subjects, marrying into the legitimate royal family (Safavids) and being recognized by the Ottoman and Russian empires. However, these acts could not help Ashraf Afghan and his Shiite subjects did not support him in the face of Nader’s invasion, which put an end to hisrule.

The arrival of modernity and the new European culture in Iranian society had an impact on political, social and cultural structures and caused these structures to undergo certain changes. A large part of these changes affected the social and cultural sphere, especially the lifestyle and etiquette of Iranian society. One of the customs that went through change was the greeting, especially the tradition of shaking hands. This article aims to investigate the arrival, acceptance and significance of the new handshake as a sign of the modern and Western (so-called Farangi) style of greeting and human interaction using the descriptive-analytical method. The results show that following cultural interactions with Europeans and the spread of Western culture and customs, the Western-style handshake became popular in Iran from the Naserid period onward and the nature of the manner of handshake and its conceptual and semantic implications changed significantly. In this new way, the handshake became a common practice and it transformed from an etiquette reserved for special occasions and individuals into a wide-ranging social practice.