نشریه غرب آسیا
پیاپی 3 (زمستان 1402)

The 21st century of Southwest Asia has exhibited conditions which is ready for geopolitical changes. The ensuing shifting balances of power have affected various countries’ regional and strategic policies. Within this period, Iran has emerged as a benefactor of neighboring policies and has sought to implement multilateral strategies, carving out its own role in Southwest Asia. The main factors contributing to Iran’s success have been the crisis and dangers plaguing the region. Saul Cohen’s “shatter belt” has provided us with a concept to help explain the structural features plaguing Western Asia. In addition, Cohen’s shatter belt places a strong emphasis on weak geopolitical conditions. Within these conditions, a serious question for Iran, emerges: what mechanisms can be employed by Iran to ensure and provide regional security? Multilateralism of Iran is in need of geopolitical, economic, tactical, and strategic cooperation with its regional neighbors. Iran’s role in mapping out its larger strategy of security within the shatter belt of Southwest Asia and the Middle East can only be achieved through a precise understanding of the formation of power at the regional and international political level. The assumption of the article is that securitization in Southwest Asia, a region permeated with complexities and geopolitical turbulence will require the use of power, tactical flexibility, regional cooperation, and constructivist participation. The main question of the article is: within the fragile and turbulent region of Southwest Asia, what strategy should Iran employ to ensure regional security? Adopting Cohen's “shatter belt” as a framework, and further employing the methods of data analysis, this article attempts to demonstrate that Iran's strategy for ensuring regional security in the given chaotic environment should be based on approaches of multilateralism and constructivist cooperation with neighboring countries.

Global governance in the fields of soft power beyond hegemony shows the other side of global leadership that China's technological strategies and investments in artificial intelligence make sense in this spectrum. The competition in the West Asian region and the new regulations led this country to technological cooperation with the West Asian countries. In the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, China developed the infrastructure of AI with the approach of internal development and focusing on economic and technological policies, but after the 2008 financial crisis and the elite consensus for global governance in the emerging fields of power, a significant effort was made to change the world order in different fields from global economy, climate change to cyber space. The question of this article is what factors were involved in adopting the macro strategy of artificial intelligence in this country? The hypothesis of the article, which has been analyzed descriptively and analytically, is that China's large investments in the field of artificial intelligence, the feasibility of innovative standardization in this field by this country and the elite consensus for the global governance of this field are the most important effective factors in the strategy of artificial intelligence in this country. The findings of the article show that despite the promotion of this power with "Chinese solutions" to deal with the governance challenges created by artificial intelligence on the world stage and Asian West region, the establishment of Chinese governance in this field requires shared global regulations in the field. It is technical, political and legal.

One of the security concerns of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the past years has been the security challenges of the activities of terrorist groups, especially the activities of Pejak in the west of the country. In fact, the expansion of Pejak's terrorist activities affected by various internal and regional factors during the past several decades has challenged national security in various dimensions. It seems that in addition to geography and environmental conditions, other factors such as economic, cultural-social and political factors have played a role in this process, i.e. the expansion and dispersion of Pejak activities. The expansion of Pejak activities in the west of the country can be examined from two dimensions. In the first dimension, it is possible to examine different factors including economic, cultural-social and political factors in the growth of Pejak activities in the west of the country. In the second dimension, the impact of Pajak's actions and expansion of activities in the west of the country on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is also of fundamental importance. In this regard, considering the importance of the topic of this research, it seeks to answer this central question, what are the factors influencing the expansion and dispersion of the Pajak terrorist group in the geography around Iran in the west of the country, and what effect does it have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The research method in this research is descriptive and the data collection method is library sources and the use of interview tools. The findings of the research show that in the economic field of unemployment and economic problems of families with an average of 4.24, compared to other components, the highest impact; In the cultural and social field, wide advertisements of satellite and internet networks with an average of 4.34 have the greatest effect; And in the political field, Pejak's psychological operations on Kurdish youth with an average of 4.49 have had the greatest impact on the expansion and dispersion of Pejak's terrorist activities in the west of the country.

The role of social capacities in the formation and strengthening of the discourse of resistance and the security complex of the resistance has a prominent role, which is influenced by the Islamic revolution of Iran and the values and norms resulting from it. Many of the indicators of the political culture ruling the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic of Iran have had an identity-oriented, justice-seeking and foundation-breaking nature. This has played an effective role in the formation of Islamic resistance movements, including Islamic movements in Lebanon and Palestine, and this international deconstruction, the international authority and security desired by the West and conservative Arab countries in the security complex, West Asia is facing a threat. In this regard, the aim of the research is to identify the common ground between Iran and the resistance axis countries (case study of Iraq, Yemen, and Palestine). Therefore, the question of the present article seeks to answer the question, "What is the most important national commonality of Iran with the countries of Iraq, Yemen, and Palestine?" Or what effect does the social capacities of these countries have on the resistance front?” This research is based on analytical-comparative method and data collection method based on library sources. The research findings are that, it seems that Iran's national commonality with the countries of Iraq, Yemen and Palestine is the presence of components such as common religion, language, and culture. In fact, as Iran mostly has a common religion, culture, and language, the aforementioned elements also apply to the mentioned countries.

After about four decades since the initial step, the Ankara agreement, the relations between Turkey and the European Union are still in a state of struggling over Turkey's eligibility to join the EU. In recent decades, this relationship has seen many changes, and there is still ambiguity and uncertainty about the end of this relationship. Turkey that has been considered one of the strategic allies of the European Union, is in the process of becoming a member of the EU, and sinusoidal negotiations of the parties have been the dominant framework in bilateral relations. In this regard, the current role of the army in Turkey's policies has been as the most important part of the EU membership process, as the army considers itself to be the protector of the republic and its principles in Turkey that is result of the past years. Because it is completely against the principles of the EU and opposing the interference of the military in politics, this feature has become a complex puzzle in the Turkey-EU bilateral relations. On this basis, in the process of Turkey's membership, the European Union has strongly sought to reform military-civilian relations in Turkey, and civilian control on military organizations. Democratization of military-civilian relations and control of civilians in military institutions has been one of the most important political issues raised in this process. With the coming to power of the Justice and Development Party, AKP, this process has continued at a faster pace in the domestic and foreign spheres.

Syria is one of Iran’s strategic partners in the political and security fields and it was one of the first countries that after the Islamic Revolution, recognized the Islamic Republic of Iran, and hence the official relations between the two countries began. Syria, as one of the countries affecting the resistance, has been involved in the internal crisis imposed by the West and its regional allies since late January 2011, causing heavy losses to the country. With the role of Iran and other Syrian allies, the relative security in the country is established and with the start of the reconstruction period, it is necessary to compensate for the damage caused by the crisis by restoring the power of the past and strengthening its important economic and commercial sectors. As a strategic ally of Syria, the Islamic republic of Iran is now able to expand its presence in the west Asia region from the military - security layer to the economic layer with its role in the reconstruction period. The article seeks to show what level Iran is in the political economy over to its regional rivals, and how it is based on its competence to support the Syrian government. using the descriptive-analytical method, this paper studies Syria's civil war and its need for trade and the provision of commercial and business space, owners of capital and business and business owners can invest in this country and provide a good economic benefit to Iranian and Iranian investors .