مجله تاریخ ایران
سال چهارم شماره 1 (پیاپی 67، زمستان 1389 و بهار 1390)

Interventions of Russia and Britain in the internal affairs of Iran، which finally led to the division of its influenced zones between these two great powers and their consequent control of its economy in Naserid period، provoked the anger of some patriotic Iranian personages. Approximately after the end of Iran- Russia Wars some Qajarid policymakers for making a balance between UK and Russia، believed that the presence of a Third Force could be a possible solution. To this end، Amir-e Kabir’s attempts at employing Austrian teachers at Dar-ol-Fonoun and Austrian military advisors in Nasseraldin Shah’s second trip to Europe could be scrutinized. Exploring Foreign Affairs Ministry records and National Library and Archives of Iran next to some firsthand references، the present study aims at describing the process of change in Iran- Austria relations in the Naserid period as well as discussing the reasons for the discontinuity of such relations. The study concludes that Russia and Britain’s opposition to the influence of any Third Force in Iran، failure in executing the plans of Austrian teachers and advisors due to the internal situation of Iran and Austria’s lack of concern for continuation of Iran-Austria relations، were the major reasons for the breakdown of the relations between the two countries.

One of the most important debates that researchers in different fields of study have dealt with is to uncover contemporary cultural currents and to study their emergence and development. Such currents have drastically affected the basic policy of any society and the directions political، social and economical developments might take. The present article seeks to examine Iranian society’s means of familiarity with western culture and thought، the emergence of new currents and their relation to the ancient ones through carrying out an in-depth historical analysis and making use of historical references and archives. Major findings of this study bear testimony to the fact that it was the importation of new thoughts that led to the emergence of new currents whose most significant feature was their opposition to and negation of ancient Iranian currents. Notwithstanding، one can observe some particular tendencies for consonance and coexistence among them.

With regard to its historical background، natural conditions and political geography، Caucasus is made up of a variety of races، cultures and followers of different rituals and religions. Historical links of Caucasus residents with Iranian culture and civilization resulted in their adherence to Iranian governments in equilibrium with Roman، Ottoman and Russian policies. Following the collapse of the Safavids، which was simultaneous with Tsarist Russia’s being at the height of its power and a hundred years away from the wars of Iran & Russia، political instability of Iran، continual installation and downfall of several governments، absence of power in the region، insecurity and internal pressures as well as foreign interventions، all and all paved the ground for the separation of Caucasus from Iran. In this period of destabilization and turmoil in the government of Iran، religious heterogeneity of Georgian and Armenian citizens of Iran and efforts of the powerful Christian Tsarist Russia turned out to be one of the underlying factors that laid the groundwork for Christian Caucasians’ separatism from Iran. Although their efforts for separatism did not by any means meant that residents of Caucasus had a desire to join Russia، the course the event took ended in such an annexation. Exploiting the analytical method in historical research the present article aims at exploring the role religious heterogeneity played in the separation process of Caucasus from Iran. Findings demonstrate that next to various political factors، religious heterogeneity had had an important effect on the unexpected course of events.

This article analyzes the history of evolution of oil contracts from concession agreements to production sharing agreements and service contracts from the very beginnings up to 1979. Such an analysis increases our knowledge of oil contracts in order that more efficient ones are to be signed in the near future. Like any historical event that needs to be discussed in relation to what has gone before، it can well be concluded that what is currently happening in the present-day oil contracts cannot be considered independently from their historical embeddings in the pre-revolutionary changes. To this end، one needs to consider the 1333-1353 – the two significant decades which played an important role in the history of the evolution of oil contracts. It was in this very period that Iran، as a pioneer، started signing concession as well as production sharing and service contracts. Unlike much public historical research regarding the issue of oil industry، the present article attempts to explore the issue، events and the whole process of change from a more professional lens as well as a more historical، economical and legal outlook. The findings demonstrate that it has been in response to different circumstances that the framework of oil contracts has gradually undergone drastic changes. Iran has particularly played a major role in the process – a role that also needs to be maintained hereafter.

The current study aims at the investigation of the position of the Divan Arz (Ministry of Army) as a section of the bureaucratic organization in the governance of the army during the reign of Mohammad Khwarazmshah. This work also explores the weakness and incompetence of the Muster master (Arez) in governing the army and establishing the military organization. It also suggests that it was this same weakness that led to the defeat of Mohammad Khwarazmsh in the war with Mongols and caused the eventual unexpected destruction of his kingdom. Through an analytical study and research in history، this article demonstrates how the Khwarazmshahid dynasty failed in the establishment of an administrative and supportive structure consistent with their greed and expansionist objectives – a failure that can be at least partially attributed to the incompetent administrative organization especially in the field of the Divan Arz (ministry army).

By the foundation of the Caliphate institution particularly in the Abbasid period، Iranians، in order to restore their political power and identity، founded the monarchy institution. They also started competing and even enmity towards the Abbasid. In the Khwarazmshahid period the caliphs and sultans were both seeking to expand their power and territory using different methods among which religious policies were of importance. The Persian Iraq، the most important site of dispute for both institutions، was، thus، turned into the battlefield for both the Abbasid and the Khwarazmshahid and their political allies. It was perhaps the absence of a ubiquitous central power، itself the direct result of the decay of the Seljuk Empire، that had doubled the greed of both institutions for the inheritance of power. While the Abbasid were seeking to restore their political power، the Khwarazmshahid were trying to dominate Baghdad and to get the Abbasid to acknowledge the political and martial dominance of the Sultans all of which led to the competition between these two powers to attract allies among local governments of Iran، aroused several conflicts in Persian Iraq، and at last ended in the defeat of the Khwarazmshahid. The present article aims at evaluating the role of religion in the relations and conflicts between the Abbasid and Khwarazmshahid from the beginning up to the reign of Sultan Mohammad. In order for this to happen valid historical resources and research findings are exploited and a descriptive –analytic method is applied.