reza simbar

The science of policymaking tries to examine the different dimensions of a policy and how to formulate and approve it in a process model and to introduce the methods of making policies scientific to the policymaking community. One of the topics that has been less discussed in the field of cultural policy making is the examination of social harms. Therefore, the most important problem to be discussed in this research is the lack of a framework for evaluating the influence of cultural policy making on reducing social harms. The most important goal of the current research is to study the significant relationship between cultural policy making and reducing social harms. Understanding the harms leads us to what the quantity and quality of those harms were and what policies have been made to reduce and control them. The output of a cultural policy is a performance that policymakers expect from its implementation and will have numerous short-term and long-term influences. Applying a quantitative research method, the statistical population of the current research is the employees of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance and the statistical sample is 400 of these employees who were exposed to social harms. The data collection tool is a questionnaire that was completed in person. Regression and Pearson tests were applied to test the hypotheses. The results of this research show that cultural policy makings are effective in reducing social harms, therefore, it is possible to help reduce social harms by creating a local platform for monitoring social harms, using the successful experiences of other countries regarding cultural policy making, and strengthening non-governmental groups.

In the contemporary age, diplomatic diplomacy and the geoeconomic approach enjoy a special role and importance in increasing national authority and upgrading Iran's position in regional and international economic and political equations. There is a deep and unbreakable relationship between economic diplomacy, economic development, and globalization. Accordingly, Iran's foreign policy requires adoption of a suitable approach suitable for the geoeconomic approach and for new conditions and developments in the age of ever increasing economic globalization. As Iran's most important geoeconomic capacities, the energy resources and reserves are of particular importance today in the age of economic globalization. The main purpose of this research is to answer the question "What change in approach is required to take advantage of Iran's geoeconomic position on the geoenergetic axis by the end of the first half of the 21st century?" Therefore, the research hypothesis is "A change of approach and the transition from traditional diplomacy to economic diplomacy are needed for utilization of Iran's geoeconomic position based on tapping geoenergics by the end of 2050. This is an applied study in terms of its purpose and a descriptive-analytical one with respect to its nature. SPSS, T-Test, and multivariate regression were used to analyze the 34 questionnaires completed by professors and experts on the subject of the research. Considering Iran's rare geoenergy position and capacities on the one hand, and the trend of transitioning from fossil fuels to clean and renewable sources of energy by the end of 2050 on the other hand, the inferential results and findings of this study indicate the need for a change of approach from traditional diplomacy to economic diplomacy.

Ignoring the Oriental narrative for institutional domination and overcoming its resistance as the opposite party of the West has formed the framework of post-colonial domination. The attitude towards the conflict between Iran and the West over the nuclear issue in the form of this approach is something that has received less attention and research so far. Therefore, with the aim of understanding why the agreement in the 13th government was long and at the same time difficult, this research raises the question; How has the West's post-colonial attitude towards Iran's nuclear issue affected the decision-making pattern of the Raisi’s government? The findings of the research showed that the West's attitude towards Iran's nuclear challenge from the point of view of post-colonialism caused Raisi’s government to look at them as the opposite party of Iran with the same actions as in the past, and as a result, it caused the predominance of the model of early recognition with the aim of canceling sanctions, lack of trust and providing guarantees from the West, and this has made reaching an agreement at most impossible and at least difficult. The method of this research is qualitative and its approach is descriptive-analytical based on documentary-library tools.

"Debt trap" is a title that refers to a form of diplomacy in which one international entity grants another entity (usually a legitimate government) heavy loans. These types of loans are generally granted to countries that are expected to not be able to repay the said loans. China is one of the actors that uses this type of diplomacy. How China's debt trap diplomacy has deepened financial and political crises in the third world is the title of the question on which this research is written. The proposed hypothesis indicates that China needs to penetrate the countries that supply natural resources in order to develop financial markets and also to expand its strategic depth. By granting heavy loans to less developed countries and influencing the economic structure and political structure of these countries, this country is experiencing a new type of exploitation that has become a legal form and in the long term deepens financial and political crises in the third world countries.

Due to the diversity and complexity of its dimensions and its increasing impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, America's hybrid war has forced the country to develop countermeasure strategies that not only ensure its national security, but also provide the necessary capacities to optimally confront these threats. This research sought to answer the question of what are Iran's strategies against the US hybrid war, using a descriptive-analytical method and utilizing documentary and library studies, along with using a questionnaire to collect data and information. The research findings indicate that the Islamic Republic of Iran has been able to take effective steps to increase its deterrence power in confronting hybrid threats by emphasizing multidimensional strategies such as developing military deterrence, strengthening cyber capabilities, and establishing a network defense command structure. These achievements reflect a focus on technology- and security-oriented areas as the main pillars of defense against hybrid warfare. However, analyses indicate that areas such as strengthening the resistance economy and managing cyberspace to combat psychological warfare have not been sufficiently utilized, and these sectors require more strategic planning and coordination. The findings show that sustainable success in this field requires a comprehensive and integrated approach that can, in addition to strengthening military and security infrastructure, also improve the country's economic, media, and diplomatic capacities, and while promoting national cohesion, provide the basis for responding to complex hybrid threats.The findings show that sustainable success in this field requires a comprehensive and integrated approach that can, in addition to strengthening military and security infrastructure, also improve the country's economic, media, and diplomatic capacities, and while promoting national cohesion, provide the basis for responding to complex hybrid threats.

In this article, the health inequality among the vulnerable groups of the society as well as the policies adopted by the government to reduce this inequality have been examined. This research seeks to answer the question that to what extent the universal health coverage policies have been based on the implementation of the health justice policy in shaping the allocation of resources, especially to vulnerable groups such as women, children, and the underprivileged? Hypothesis is based on the proposition that the sociological and political factors of resource allocation for health reform in Iran are mostly based on existing inequalities in health care and the demand for social justice in this field. The findings indicate the fact that attention to vulnerable groups has been on the agenda of the macro-policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of health and treatment since the very beginning and has always caused the decision makers to allocate resources to resolve these inequalities and focus more on these vulnerable populations of the society. The result of the research shows that despite the reduction of inequalities, the health sector still needs to establish and expand the basic axes for the establishment of social justice in the field of health, including universal health insurance and the rotation of insurance coverage; for example, employer-oriented government-oriented insurance coverage; remote health care, including telemedicine and digital health, and at the end of the paradigm shift from the volume of providing health services to the value of providing health services. This article is a descriptive-analytical qualitative method, and the data was collected by scanning library resources and document analysis.

The issue of environmental insurance has been raised since the early 1990s and has undergone extensive changes until today. The purpose of this research is to design a model for determining environmental insurance premiums related to maritime losses and pollution resulting from the oil and gas industry.

This study is applied and employs survey methodologies as well as expert panels. In order to analyze the data, SPSS 22 and Expert Choice 11 software were used while hierarchical analysis was used to prioritize the components of the model. The final model was designed based on the Environmental Failure Mode and Effects Analysis method (EFMEA), and its goodness of fit was determined through conformity factor analysis.

The research identified six categories of activities and four major types of accidents associated with the oil and gas industry. Moreover, five environmental aspects were determined. Fire and explosions in facilities, pipelines, and tanks (0.886), Pipeline breakage or corrosion (0.714), Maritime accidents and vessel collisions (0.656), and Operational disruptions in facilities (0.631) were prioritized respectively. The calculated Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA) index was 0.068, indicating that the proposed model demonstrates an adequate fit.

Environmental pollution risks could be covered by commercial insurance by relying on international law within domestic, regional, or global insurance policies in compliance with the principles governing such policies.

Although states are restricted from intervening in the affairs of other states without the approval and authorization of the Security Council, they use international rights and laws in various ways to justify their unilateral interventions in each other's internal affairs. Meanwhile, customary international law and the United Nations Charter generally prohibit the use of force in international relations. Thus, the main question of this research is: what international norms and laws do foreign actors use to intervene in the Syrian crisis? The hypothesis of this research is that opponents of the Syrian political regime, including the United States and its regional and international allies, have intervened in the Syrian crisis with the aim of equipping the opposition to the Syrian regime, weakening this regime, and containing and dismantling the resistance front centered around Iran in the region, often claiming to establish international peace and security and sometimes using humanitarian reasons. In contrast, Iran and Russia entered the Syrian conflict based on the principle of invitation and at the request of the legitimate government of Syria, and they have never intended territorial expansion or dominance over the region. Qualitative analysis methods have been used to analyze the research data.

The events of September 11 brought the issue of the U.S. fight against terrorism in Afghanistan to the forefront. Despite the significant expenditure aimed at advancing the U.S. nation-building project in Afghanistan, the Taliban managed to recapture Kabul on August 15, 2021. This rapid takeover had profound consequences. For Iran, both the U.S. withdrawal and the Taliban’s victory hold significant importance. However, the rise of the Taliban has raised doubts about Iran’s political and economic influence in Afghanistan. In this respect, the current study tried to answer the following research question: What conditions and consequences can be anticipated for Iran’s foreign policy following the U.S. military withdrawal? The beginning of the U.S. withdrawal from Iran’s neighboring territories on May 1, 2021, presents an opportunity to enhance Iran’s regional role; however, it also poses significant challenges. These include the emergence of an unstable Afghanistan under Taliban rule, the intensification of regional rivalries, the clash of different interpretations of political ideas of Islam, and a decline in Iran’s national security and influence in Afghanistan.  Additionally, the proliferation of ethnic and Takfiri ideologies and increased insecurity in Iran’s eastern regions remain critical negative consequences.

Literature Review:

There have been studies examining the U.S. presence in Afghanistan and its implications for Iran’s national security. However, given the relatively short time since the recent developments in Afghanistan, the literature on the topic is limited. For instance, Verma (2022) in the article “Afghanistan, Regional Powers, and Non-Traditional Security Threats and Challenges,” argues that the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan leads to instability that extends beyond Afghanistan’s borders. This instability is expected to result in non-traditional threats and challenges such as transnational Islamic fundamentalist terrorism, drug trafficking, migration, and a prolonged increase in violence within Afghanistan itself. In the relevant literature, there is a noticeable lack of analysis from the perspective of realism, particularly regarding Iran’s strategic options following the U.S. withdrawal and the consequences for its national security. The present study sought to address this gap by presenting a novel approach to the topic.

The present research aimed to identify the security threats posed to Iran’s national security by the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. Following an explanatory methodology, the study relied on a realist framework to analyze the data collected from online and library resources.

The U.S. military presence in Afghanistan since 2001, sustained at great costs over two decades, alongside persistent threats from the Taliban, eventually placed the prospect of withdrawing from Afghanistan on the U.S. foreign policy agenda. Following the withdrawal, the Taliban—a movement deeply rooted in Afghan ethnic and cultural dynamics and known for its resistance against foreign occupiers—regained power with significant support from the Pashtun population in a favorable environment created by the U.S. withdrawal. Concerning Iran, one positive consequence of the Taliban’s return to power is the shared hostility of both sides toward the U.S. However, the Taliban’s declaration of an Islamic Emirate in Afghanistan introduces the possibility of ideological rivalry with Iran. Moreover, the expected terrorist threats in Iran’s surrounding regions is likely to impact domestic security, thus prompting increased migration of Afghans into Iran. Concerning its external consequences, the re-establishment of Taliban rule can expand the influence of countries such as Pakistan, Qatar, and Turkey in Afghanistan’s political landscape.The U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan will intensify the competition among regional powers aiming to shape the country’s future, with Iran playing a key role. However, Iran may face additional challenges due to the Taliban’s ethnic-based approach—rooted in a 42% Pashtun population—and their monopolization of power. The insecurity stemming from the U.S. withdrawal is likely to trigger an increased wave of Afghan refugees heading toward Iran. Furthermore, the agreement between Afghanistan and the U.S. undermines Afghanistan’s traditional neutrality in Central and South Asian politics. This shift could lead to antagonistic actions against Iran within Afghan domestic politics and among its political factions, such as Tajiks and Pashtuns, as they navigate their future relationship with the United States. This dynamic intensifies regional competition, particularly between Iran and Pakistan. The emergence of a new Taliban government also threatens to weaken Iran’s regional position. Tehran’s rivals, including Saudi Arabia and Turkey, maintain better relations with the Taliban group. In fact, the Taliban refers to the Turks as brotherly people while addressing Iran merely as a neighbor. In addition, there is currently no viable anti-Taliban coalition, and major powers—Russia, China, the E.U., and the U.S.—are engaging in dialogue with the Taliban. Another pressing issue for Iran’s national security is the water-sharing dispute with the Taliban. Iranian officials have recently accused the Taliban of violating Iran’s water rights by refusing to release water from the new Kamal Khan Dam on the Helmand River, which flows into Lake Hamoon in Iran’s Sistan and Baluchestan Province (Tookhy, 2022). If the Taliban were to rely on groups like ISIS or al-Qaeda to provide security in Afghanistan or carry out cross-border programs, Iran’s national security and its eastern borders would face serious challenges. Therefore, as Afghanistan’s close neighbor, Iran could encounter a new wave of emerging terrorism originating from Afghanistan.

The withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan has created an opportunity for Iran to play a more prominent role in the region, albeit with significant negative implications for its national security. The Iranian government views the Taliban’s dominance in Afghanistan as a potential opportunity to expand its economic influence, which, in turn, can bolster Iran’s national security. However, the most critical consequence of the Taliban’s resurgence for Iran is the exacerbation of ethnic and religious divides, leading to increased insecurity and a heightened sense of relative deprivation in the country’s eastern regions. From this perspective, even if the Taliban succeeds in forming a government, their lack of popular support will likely prevent them from effectively controlling the threatening and destabilizing processes within Afghanistan’s borders. This domestic insecurity is expected to spill over into the broader region, including Iran, thereby posing additional threats to Iran’s national security.

The current work aimed to identify factors affecting liability and compensation for marine pollution in Iran. This applied research was conducted using a grounded theory and descriptive-analytical method. Following an in-depth survey and extraction of an initial list, 20 relevant experts selected by a snowball sampling method were interviewed to complete and validate the research process. The research findings revealed 60 open codes and 21 axial codes in a paradigm model. Five components identified as causal conditions included severity of environmental pollution, type of environmental damage, source of pollution, insurer conditions, and nature of the insured. Four components of contextual conditions involved type of environmental risks, level of risk, theoretical foundations, and national and cross-border cooperation. Five intervening factors were national laws and regulations, international environmental law and international treaties, international sanctions and restrictions, governance approach and government policies, and arbitration conditions. Interactional strategies consisted of facilitation, risk management and awareness raising. Consequences were found to be compensation for environmental damage, mechanism to prevent recurrence of similar incidents, and increasing trust and willingness to fulfill environmental commitments. To conclude, stressing and paying attention to international environmental laws can pave the way for environmental insurance activities in the country. Stressing and paying attention to international environmental laws can pave the way for environmental insurance activities in the country.

The role of Hezbollah in Lebanon during the years after its formation, as a political-military movement and based on a regular identity, has been the focus of experts' attention. The purpose of the present research is to investigate and analyze the effectiveness of a political-military movement in a country with the coordinates of Lebanon, considering the difference and the plurality of opinions. An attempt is made to answer the question that Hezbollah's platforms of influence in Lebanon are drawn based on what components? The answer to this question have taken place based on four factors; The existence of the Zionist regime, the negative interference of countries such as America, France, and Saudi Arabia, the inefficient government, and the constructive activism of the Islamic republic of Iran. The following research was carried out based on the descriptive-analytical method and the use of library and documentary sources, within the framework of constructivist theory, and the following results were obtained; Hezbollah started to strengthen the Lebanese identity and brought about convergence in some parts of this society under the identity-benefit, considering the tribal system in the country. Two foreign non-constructive platforms such as; the existence of the Zionist regime and the negative interference of the United States, France, and Saudi Arabia caused Hezbollah to benefit from a foreign constructive actor such as the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to achieve a meaningful balance in terms of increasing power and warding off danger. On the other hand, due to the multiplicity of clans and the existence of an ineffective government, he took internal and constructive measures in order to solve the problems of the Lebanese society. The most important goal of Hezbollah's intervention and active presence in the heart of affairs is the identity of Lebanese society based on authentic Islamic principles (while respecting religious groups and clans) in order to improve Lebanon's position in the domestic and international environment.

With The Collapse Of The Soviet Union And The End Of The Cold War, America Was Determined As A Superpower Actor In Economic, Military, Political And Ideological Dimensions In The International System. The New Position Of America Allowed This Country To Intervene In The International System By Increasing Its Role And Influence. In The Continuation Of The Developments Of The International System, With The Increasing Power Of Competitors In Various Dimensions, America's Interests And Position Have Faced Challenges. As Two Emerging Powers, Russia And China Which Have Always Perceived Threats From The United States Of America. The Purpose Of The Research, To Investigate The Role Of The United States Of America In The Strategic Relations Between Russia And China.The Research Question Of The Article, Role Does The United States Play In The Strategic Cooperation Between Russia And China? The Approach Of Descriptive-Analytical Research And The Method Of Collecting Data And Information Is Library.The Hypothesis Of The Article Is That The Threats Perceived By Moscow And Beijing From The United States Have Led To The Alliance And Deep Cooperation Of The Two Governments In The International And Regional System, Which Has Increased During The Trump Presidency And The Current Biden Presidency.The Result Of The Research,The Two Governments Of Russia And China Have Turned To Economic, Military Cooperation And Coordination In International Institutions And Organizations And Convergence In The Regions Of Central Asia, Eurasia And The Middle East With The Aim Of Confronting And Curbing The Threatening Policies Of The United States.

The purpose of this article is to examine the international challenges of establishing a national government in Afghanistan, which in the last two decades (2001-2021), under the influence of the competition of regional countries (such as Pakistan and India, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Turkey, Central Asian countries) and trans-regional powers (such as America, Russia, China and the European Union) have been formed and consolidated. In response to the fundamental question of this article, what are the international challenges of establishing a national government in Afghanistan? It is hypothesized that geopolitical rivalries, the Durand conflict and the ISIS group in Afghanistan are among the most important international challenges to the creation of a national government in Afghanistan, and regional factors (such as Pakistan and India, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Turkey, Central Asian countries) and extra-regional (such as America, Russia, China and European Union) have been affected. Competitions, enmities, supremacy and security dynamics of regional countries and great powers in the geography of Afghanistan have caused this country to face international challenges in creating a national and comprehensive government. Cannot be the founder of the national government in Afghanistan. The mentioned problem has been investigated using the theoretical framework of "Regional Security Complex Theory" and analytical descriptive method. The obtained results indicate that the geopolitical competition, the Durand conflict and the activities of the ISIS group in Afghanistan, with the influence of regional and extra-regional variables, will challenge this country in the period of twenty years (2001-2021) Has drawn.

The revolutionary uprisings that have occurred in many geopolitical territories of the Middle East and North Africa since December 2010 have highlighted signs of change in the Middle East security system. The continued presence and influence of the United States in the Middle East and the follow-up of the European Union from American policies, the increase in the role of other trans-regional actors, especially rebuilding the role of Russia and strengthening China's soft balance, the escalation of geopolitical competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia and the increase in power and influence of non-state actors have played a central role in changing the balance of regional powers and the emergence of a new regional order. In the meantime, the intensification of manipulation by the United States and the west in the process of Arab Spring developments, along with the appearance of the failure of Moscow’s follow-up policy in the crises of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, convinced the Kremlin officials to adopt a relatively independent and proactive approach to the security order of the Middle East by entering the regional crisis management process.

Research question: 

What are the characteristics of Russia's Middle East policy in the period after the Arab Spring and what consequences does such an approach have for the security order of the region?

Research hypothesis:

The hypothesis of the above-mentioned question is that Russia's approach to the security system of the Middle East after the Arab Spring is based on signs of the simultaneous influence of two security and economic factions that are organized together, the balance of power factor along with the economic interests constitute the motivations for the development of Russia's relations with the Middle East.Methodology and theoretical framework: The method used in this research is the method of Trend analysis and the type of the research is basic. The nature of this paper is also qualitative. The data collection has been library method, using internet resources, articles and documents. Since the security order of the Middle East has always been influenced by the arrangement, competitions and interactions of regional actors and the interventions of extra-regional powers, in this article, an attempt will be made to use the theoretical assumptions of Neo-realism to explain Russia's Middle East policy and its effects on the regional system. The Neo-realism model provides the possibility of examining the components of the country's external environment with more emphasis to explain Russia's security strategy.

The abilities and capabilities of the country's leaders to play a role in a region and the possibility of accepting valid commitments are important determining factors for countries' strategies in regional systems, which in turn affect the type of regional system. The developments and the involvement of a wide range of regional and international actors in the Syrian crisis have convinced the Kremlin officials to use the direct balancing model with the United States. Based on this, Moscow was able to significantly improve its field of activity by using two strategies of soft balancing and direct balancing, while recovering its structural strength in the Middle East order. By strengthening its relations with Iran, Syria, and even Hamas, and being close to the traditional allies of the United States in the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, and Egypt, Russia is trying to balance regional powers with the United States in the Middle East. Overall, Russia’s reemergence has transformed the Middle East security system in terms of structure, norms, agency, and patterns of interaction. Moscow intends to propose a new approach to the United States unilateral approach to the Middle East regional order, in which a diverse range of actors and agendas can be proposed. Adopting a middle position on regional issues and programs and avoiding a holistic approach to Middle East actors is organized and implemented with this central goal in Moscow's strategic doctrine.

The economic factor along with the balance of power is one of the main motivations for the development of Russia's relations with the Middle East. The economic variables influencing Moscow's intervention in the Syrian crisis in the aftermath of the crisis and instability and the transformation of political and military achievements into economic achievements have also been particularly prominent. Russian companies have won many concessions in the field of Syrian oil, gas, electricity and mining infrastructure. Russia's arms trade is also organized through arms deals with Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Libya and Syria. The scope of Russia's activity and role in the new regional order of the Middle East includes a wide range of governments and regional actors.

And by studying the events and opportunities of recent interactions and political behavior between the Islamic Republic and the United States, this article tries to answer the question that the challenges and opportunities related to the economic and strategic embargo of Western countries, especially the United States. What challenges and opportunities did it have against the Islamic Republic of Iran? In order to answer this question, this hypothesis is proposed that in the level of challenges, the American economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran have led to restrictions on Iran's financial, banking, commercial and strategic activities, and in terms of opportunities, Iran has The initiatives resulting from the restrictions created by the sanctions, on the one hand, were able to identify and realize their strategic capacities in various economic sectors, and on the other hand, increase their flexibility against the initial level of sanctions. But it seems that in order to deal with the second level of sanctions in the long term, it is necessary to formulate a coherent and effective strategy for the sustainable growth and development of the country in the atmosphere of sanctions.

Alinqipour and Guderzi (1401) in an article entitled "The impact of American sanctions on the orientation of Iran's economic diplomacy towards the East during the presidency of Hassan Rouhani (case study of Russia)" have shown that policies based on sanctions and Western pressure has caused foreign policy c. A. From the beginning of the revolution, Iran should be designed based on looking to the East in different dimensions; The authors have come to the conclusion that during the era of Hassan Rouhani, the government's policy in dealing with sanctions in the economic dimension was based on Iran's dependence on economic imports from Russia. The Caspian Sea and Eurasia have been implemented against the policies of the West.Mohibi Hare Dasht and his colleagues (1400) in an article entitled "Countering financial and economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran with timely warning tools of banks' helplessness" addressed the issue of the impact of American sanctions on Iran's banking system. In response to this question, the authors asked how the position of the timely warning model of banks' helplessness can lead to the reduction of the effects of sanctions. have concluded that with the help of annual calculation of these indicators, the banking system can predict financial helplessness and bankruptcy before it occurs and take the necessary measures regarding the revision of the control of its collection and prevent the occurrence of bankruptcy.Alavi and Amiri (2015) in their article entitled "The role of the US Congress and the Treasury Department in applying economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran (2010-2014)" emphasized the role of the US Treasury Department in implementing the sanctions system of this country. The United States government, with the influx of primary and secondary sanctions, especially from 2010 to 2014 in the form of congressional laws and executive orders of the president with the executive arm of the Treasury Department and under it the "Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), with its full-scale economic war, It has put the country's economy under pressure.Bajgholi et al. (2024) in the book How Sanctions Work: Iran and the Effects of Economic War tried to analyze the effects of extensive and long-term Western sanctions led by the United States against Iran. This book is mentioned as the first extensive and systematic study about the effects of sanctions on Iranian society. The authors in this book have concluded that the sanctions of the United States of America against Iran have not been able to achieve their goals, because on the one hand, not only did it not change Iran's behavior, but it has made it more aggressive, and on the other hand, the maximum pressure sanctions of many It has plunged Iranians into poverty, both in rural and urban areas, and has exacerbated economic and class inequality.Ghasemi-nejad and Jahan-parvar (2021) in an article entitled "Effect of Financial Sanctions: A Case Study of Iran", financial sanctions have had a great impact on the decline and decline of Iran's economy. In this context, the authors believe that sanctions affect politically connected companies more than ordinary companies, have persistent negative effects on profitability ratios, and the stock prices of politically connected companies recover more slowly after sanctions are lifted. Firms targeted by financial sanctions reduce their leverage and increase their cash holdings to manage the perceived increase in their risk profile.Nefiu (2017) in his book titled "The Art of Sanctions: A View from the Field" divides sanctions into four major parts: diplomatic and political, military, technological and economic, and believes that the most widely used and effective type of sanctions is It is the "economic" type, which is divided into two categories: commercial and financial. In this book, the author examines the formation of sanctions considering the conditions and context of Iran; Also, in this book, the author tries to convey to the activists and those interested in the practical implementation of foreign policies the mental framework of when and how they should implement the sanctions.Opinions in the researches conducted in this field show that most of these works and researches have emphasized the negative side and challenges of economic sanctions on Iran's economy and society and have examined their results; On the other hand, some researches have focused on the positive side and the window of opportunity of economic sanctions in order to pay attention to the domestic and indigenous capacities and endogenous development of the country; For this purpose, according to the works compiled in this field, the present research tries to address both the challenges and opportunities of the economic sanctions of the United States of America, and this is the reason for the innovation and innovation of the present article.

The article used the descriptive-analytical method and collected its data in a library form.

American sanctions against Iran refer to the economic, commercial, scientific, human rights and military sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran imposed by the United States government, or under the pressure of the United States on the international community through the United Nations Security Council. American sanctions against Iran It is one of the oldest sanctions in the world. These sanctions started in 1358 at the same time as the issue of hostage taking of American Embassy employees in Tehran with Executive Order 4702 and 12170 by Jimmy Carter and gradually increased its dimensions. Numerous executive orders and various laws are the result of America's hostile actions in the past years. Executive orders 12613, 12957 and 12959, 13382, 13553, 13574, 13590, 13599, etc. are examples of the extensive actions of the United States in the past years to institutionalize and structure sanctions against Iran. Actions that reached their peak during the Obama and Trump eras. US government officials have called the sanctions imposed on Iran the toughest and most crippling sanctions in the history of human civilization. Financial, economic, defense and military sanctions as a tested solution in curbing the economic and military power of J.A. Iran is institutionalized in the strategic document of the United States of America and cannot be ignored easily. The sanctions theory has secured the interests of the United States and its regional allies, such as the Zionist regime and Saudi Arabia, and this group considers the release of financial energy and the rise of the power of the Islamic Republic in the aftermath of the JCPOA against its own interests and in the direction of the complete victory of the axis of resistance and facilitation. They see the fields of domination of the Islamic Republic in the region. According to the mentality of the political elite of the United States, the discourses against the nuclear agreement and the success of the sanctions policy of J.A. Iran in serving the interests of the United States, the continuation of sanctions and the approval of new sanctions by the political elite of the United States will be very likely.But on the other hand, in spite of all these propositions, America's smart and multi-layered sanctions system against Iran in the last few decades has caused challenges and on the other hand many opportunities for Iran. In this article, an attempt was made to address the issue of what were these challenges and opportunities? As discussed, the economic sanctions have placed numerous financial, banking, economic and commercial restrictions on the growth and development of the Islamic Republic of Iran; And he has basically tried to exclude this country from the agenda of global trends and intensify its isolation. Sanctions and various prohibitions in the fields of technology, transportation, money transfer, import and export; Industrial and military cooperation are the most important examples of these challenges. On the other hand, paying attention to domestic and indigenous capacities for the development of military and security technologies (especially in the field of missiles and drones), using local knowledge to improve technology in the fields of medicine and medicine, nuclear knowledge, drafting doctrine New security and military measures in the Middle East region, improving the level of interactions and strategizing them with emerging powers such as China and Russia and the BRICS member countries, a significant increase in human development, etc. have been among the opportunities that sanctions and prohibitions Many have caused them to emerge for the Islamic Republic of Iran. With the initiatives caused by the restrictions created by the sanctions, Iran was able to realize its strategic capacities in various economic sectors and on the other hand, increase its flexibility against the initial level of sanctions. But it seems that in order to deal with the second level of sanctions in the long term, while formulating a coherent and effective strategy for the sustainable growth and development of the country in the environment of sanctions, it should put the following axes in its agenda:- Attention to the capacity of knowledge-based companies in order to diversify the economic structure of the country. Promotion of internal cohesion at the level of elites, officials and society Adoption and promotion of smart support policies by the government Creating hope for the future and managing public opinion The use of the Iranian government's security capabilities in the positive and negative aspects in the Middle East as bargaining levers with Turkey, Russia and especially the European Union Encouraging neighborhood policy through non-governmental organizations from the government.

IntroductionThe Caspian Sea region due to the presence of huge energy reserves and being located at the point of connection between the two continents of Asia and Europe; It becomes more important day by day. The interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the important members of this new region, are highly dependent on the pattern governing the region and its security issues.MethodologyBy using the literature of modern regionalism and the framework of regional security complexes and a two-step exploratory hybrid research method, the indicators of this theory are first evaluated in the studied region and then using the concept of dependence. Security interdependence, in two dimensions of security conflict (negative aspect of security interdependence) and security cooperation (positive aspect of security interdependence), issues for developing research tools (questionnaire) are counted. Then, in the quantitative stage of the research, the questionnaires are evaluated by a statistical sample of 49 experts in this field.ConclusionAny military cooperation of regional countries with extra-regional powers can lead the region to a security conflict. it is necessary to pay attention to the fact that the pursuit of these issues by the newly independent countries is usually the result of the implementation of extensive exercises and the creation of new bases by the Russian Federation in the Caspian Sea region. Therefore, it can be said that if this increasing trend continues in the coming years, the movement of the Caspian Sea region towards controversial patterns is inevitable.

Diplomacy has a special place in solving international conflicts. Rather than looking for military solutions in conflict zones, countries will look for less expensive ways. Official diplomacy generally plays the role of promoting peace in the situation of disputes, conflict and war, but countries in conflict, where there is no way to promote official diplomacy between them, choose another path of diplomacy, which is called path two diplomacy. This type of diplomacy is used for countries in conflict in areas where formal diplomacy becomes virtually impossible due to the high degree of sensitivity resulting from a worldview different from the other's ontological security and lack of trust. Diplomacy is the path of two titles that has been known in the last few decades and has been used with positive results in some regions and countries involved in conflict. In this article, while defining and explaining the meaning of track two diplomacy, we examine its function as well as its opportunities and limitations in international crises. The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that the use of two-way diplomacy will be the best form of diplomacy to resolve disputes between governments involved in crisis. This is a research-theoretical article, and for this reason, it will be a guide for researchers' case studies. The research method in this article is explanatory and analytical.

Despite having the second place in the world in terms of natural gas reserves, Iran has practically not played an active and influential role in world trade and the export of natural gas and liquefied gas, and despite its privileged geo-economic and geo-energetic position, it has reached a position that is commensurate with the capacities and potentials of its geographic economy. It has not been found. The main problem of the research is, how is the role and importance of liquefied gas in the global gas trade and geopolitics of energy, during the next decades at the regional and global levels? The main goal of this research is to analyze the increasing role and importance of liquefied gas in the global gas trade. and the geopolitics of energy, at the regional and global levels, in the coming decades. The research method is a cross-sectional survey method, which is based on the objective of the applied type and based on the nature of the descriptive and analytical type. The studied community, professors and experts in the subject field The study has a sample size of 34 people and a questionnaire has been used to measure the formation of research variables. Library findings and the results of the research questionnaire, using the software Spsand the test and multivariate regression has been analyzed.The results and inferential findings of the research show that due to the advantages, increasing demand and consumption of liquefied gas in the transition period on the one hand, and the geographical location and unique capacities of Iran for the production and export of liquefied gas on the other hand, the development of production infrastructures And the export of liquefied gas can compensate for the decrease in Iran's oil exports and revenues during the period of transition from fossil fuels to renewable energies. Although oil and gas will not completely disappear in the coming decades, hydrocarbons will gradually and increasingly give way to renewable energies. This transfer of energy from fossil energy to renewable energy can turn the rich oil and gas reserves of countries like Iran into stray capitals in the not too distant future. Among fossil fuels, liquefied gas or LNG has characteristics that can play an important and effective role in meeting the needs of human societies during the transition from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources. The capabilities of storage, long-haul transportation by ship, re-export and re-gasification make LPG a flexible and attractive resource in the energy transfer process. The results and inferential findings show that due to the advantages, increasing demand and consumption of LNG in the transition period on the one hand, and the geographical location and unique capacities of Iran for the production and export of liquefied gas on the other hand, the development of infrastructures The production and export of LNG can compensate for the decrease in Iran's oil exports and revenues during the period of transition from fossil fuels to renewable energies. In short, production and export liquid gas In the process of transition from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources and in the transition period, it has valuable results, the most important of which are:1.The current situation of the world trade in liquefied natural gas does not correspond with Iran's share of the world's gas reserves. A look at the global LNG trade shows that Iran practically has no place in the regional and global trade of liquefied gas. Iran, as the second country in the world in terms of huge reserves of natural gas, especially in the oil and gas fields of the Persian Gulf, If properly planned and appropriate economic diplomacy is adopted, it can well become one of the most important countries in the world in the world trade of liquefied gas. 2.Contrary to geopolitical restrictions and issues related to natural gas export pipelines, Iran's possession of long coastlines in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of ​​Oman on the one hand, and the ability of LNG to be transported through large ocean-going ships, can make Iran in line with To connect the export of liquefied gas to all world markets. 3.The advantages of liquid gas as a relatively "flexible" fuel, with the ability to store, regasify, load and re-export, and the possibility of using LNG terminals to store, transfer and export liquid hydrogen, ammonia, etc. The future makes LNG a superior "transition" fuel. 4.The capabilities of LNG as a relatively "flexible" fuel with less emissions can reduce energy transmission costs and energy security risks in many countries of the world, especially less developed countries, in the process of transitioning from fossil fuels to clean energies. and renewables, and help boost the liquefied gas business globally. Production and export planning liquid gas, Parallel Applying an active and intelligent economic diplomacy at the regional and global levels will bring very valuable results in the direction of securing national interests, attracting foreign exchange resources, increasing government revenues and economic development of the country along with will have.

The current research aims at a comparative study of the rentier government in Ahmadinejad and Rouhani governments. From this point of view, qualitative research strategy and thematic matrix type have been used. Therefore, the research data has been used by using judgmental or targeted sampling method of related political texts through the process of thematic coding in order to discover and identify the basic, organized and comprehensive themes of the rentier government in both Ahmadinejad and Rouhani governments. Qualitative findings of the research have shown that the rentier government in Ahmadinejad and Rouhani governments consists of three overarching themes: a- lack of attention to civil society mechanisms, b- efficient government, c- lack of active private sector. In addition to the commonalities and differences of three overarching themes that were the benchmarks compared between the government of Rentier and the government of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani; have been compared and analyzed. The research method in this article is descriptive, and the method of collecting data and information is the library method, which has been extracted by referring to books, articles and other published written works.

The aim of the present research is to explore cultural policy in the issue of social harms by studying the performance of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance during Hassan Rouhani's government. To this end, the main question posed is how the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, under Hassan Rouhani's government, has operated with components such as culture, art, religion, and media to address prioritized social harms (addiction, virtual space and moral corruption, divorce, marginalization, and urban crisis areas). Through purposive sampling, data from 17 individuals holding positions in cultural and social fields were collected and analyzed through semi-structured interviews. Furthermore, using the data-driven theory approach, a proper model of cultural policy in addressing social harms was designed. In the present study, issues such as ethnic and religious contradictions, development of Quranic activities, cultural and indigenous capacities and capabilities, development of the family institution, substitution of revolutionary values for liberal and secular values, and the lack of understanding of the intellectual framework of the Imam and leadership in cultural officials were examined. The results showed that the cultural policy model by the experts should be aligned with strategies based on responding to the needs of the audience to not only help address social harms but also lead to an increase in social capital and trust, vitality, and social hope, improvement of good governance in cultural, artistic, and media fields, development of religious culture, and achieving an ethical and religious society.

One of the consequences of global climate change is the water shortage crisis and the resulting disputes among the beneficiary governments. The criticality of the world's climatic situation has led to the emergence of disputes between governments in connection with the division of common waters.  In this article, by utilizing the descriptive-analytical method and collecting data and information by document-library method, we are going to respond to the following question: "Which are the factors influencing the formation and escalation of disputes caused by the division of water in border-rivers between the Islamic Republic of Iran and its neighbors”? The hypothesis presented in response to the question raised above is based on the premise that in addition to the obvious role of the “water scarcity” phenomenon in the occurrence of the disputes above, it is necessary that four other variables; the politics of transboundary powers, management of water resources, ideological gap and instability of states, also be investigated and analyzed by the political elites. The variables mentioned above are divided into two groups: internal (Instability of States and Water Resources Management) and external (Cross-Border Powers’ politics and Ideological Gap). It is necessary to remember that the explanation of the mentioned four variables does not necessarily mean the absence of other factors in the discussed framework. It is possible that in the context of future research in this field, some other new variables will be identified.

Afghanistan is one of the countries where the American had a significant impact on political developments, following the 9/11 attacks by al-Qaeda after the withdrawal of the Soviet forces. The initial goal of the American government was to combat terrorism, but they also played a crucial role in state-building and institutionalizing political structures in Afghanistan. This research examines the role of the United States during the presidencies of Bush, Obama, Trump, and Biden in the political developments of Afghanistan. Searches have shown that the United States has played a significant role in Afghanistan's political developments, from the formation of the government at the "Bonn I" Conference in 2001 to the collapse of the republican system in 2021. The finding of this research demonstrate that American leaders have purposed different policies towards Afghanistan, taking into account national interests, the international system, and internal issues within Afghanistan. These policies have ranged from Bush's preemptive attack to Obama's diplomatic efforts and Trump's withdrawal policy, ultimately leading to Biden's definitive withdrawal and the downfall of the republican system. This research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method, drawing on domestic and foreign written sources and authentic sites, within the theoretical framework of Marshaimer's aggressive realism.

The increasing spread of social gaps in the heterogeneous society of Israel and casting doubts on identity symbols of Zionism have challenged the ontological security of this regime. By applying racial discrimination policies, Zionism has faced social elements with structural separation, it has reduced the desires of social forces to support this regime. Assuming various gaps in Israel and with a descriptive-analytical method, the present article answers the question, in Constructivism theoretical framework, that what is the role of identity crisis in formation of the Israelite ontological insecurity? According to the findings, inability to resolve the problems and gaps resulting from internal, have led to make the structure of this regime security-oriented. The formation of this securitized environment along with the use of violence emanating from the Zionist ideology has caused Israel to have a strong tendency to belligerence in such a way that threats and tension have become a part of the ontological security of this government, and the efforts to security been included in Israel's foreign policy. Solving the crisis of ontological insecurity requires a change in the rigid Zionist approach to a soft approach, as well as going through the process of making the government non-security-oriented.

More than a decade has passed since the concept of smart power to political literature and the sphere of international policy studies. This concept was initially on the agenda of the transformation of power relations at the level of state actors, but due to the growth of the power achievements of non-state actors, the application of this concept expanded. The achievements of non-state actors Hamas and Hezbollah, particularly their deterrence power and success in the 33-day, 22-day, and 12-day wars against the Zionist regime over the past decades, have been considered a turning point for the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Hamas and Hezbollah are two Islamic resistance movements that emerged in the 1980s inspired by the intellectual foundations and ideology of political Islam, Shiite values and the Iranian Islamic Revolution. Hamas in Palestine and Hezbollah in Lebanon, non-governmental actors and regional allies of the Islamic Republic have put their declarative principles on the line in the fight against the Zionist regime and are trying to destroy the Israeli regime and reclaim the rights of the Palestinians from the Zionists. They see lasting resistance as the only way to defeat Israel and the great Western powers in the region Since its inception, the Islamic Republic of Iran has based its foreign policy on hatred of the Israeli regime, opposition to and combating the policy of Western powers, support for liberation movements, especially support for the Palestinian people in the region.
 The purpose of this study was to investigate and explain the software and hardware achievements of Hamas and Hezbollah and its impact on Iran's regional position in the Middle East during 2005-2021.Based on this, the research question is, what impact has hamas and Hezbollah's software and hardware achievements had on Iran's regional position in the Middle East?
The present research method is an explanatory method and the conceptual approach of smart power has been used. The method of collecting information and data was also library and internet.
The concept of smart power entered the political literature and international policy studies in the early 20th century. This concept was initially considered by the policy makers and decision makers of the foreign policy of the United States of America; But gradually it was noticed by other governmental and non-governmental actors. Hamas and Hezbollah are two Islamic resistance movements that emerged in the 1980s inspired by the intellectual foundations and ideology of political Islam, Shiite values, and the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Hamas in Palestine and Hezbollah in Lebanon, one of the non-governmental actors of the regional united Islamic Republic, have put their declared principles in the line of struggle against Israel and are seeking the destruction of Israel and the recapture of Palestinian disputes and farms from the hands of the Zionists, and they are the only solution to overcome and Victory over Israel and the great western powers in the region consider resistance and standing stable. From the very beginning, the Islamic Republic of Iran has drawn its foreign policy policy on hatred and aversion to Israel, opposing and fighting the policy of Western powers, supporting liberation movements, especially supporting the Palestinian people in the region.
The Islamic Republic of Iran defined and considered Israel as an illegitimate and occupying regime and the role of Western powers, especially the United States of America, as interventionist actors causing instability in the region. With the revelation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic and its support for the Islamic resistance axis of Hamas and Hezbollah, it faced obstacles and pressure from the opposing actors, namely the regional governments of Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the extra-regional government of the United States of America; But what has increased the intensity of concerns and anger of the opposition actors against the Islamic Republic over the past decades, has been the power gains of Hamas and Hezbollah. So that in the past decades, the software and hardware achievements of the two Islamic resistance movements, Hamas and Hezbollah, have expanded. in a way that has surprised even their opponents.
Hamas and Hezbollah are regional allies of the Islamic Republic and Iran supports them. Iran is located in a region that has been subjected to pressures and disruptions from opposing actors. On the other hand, these opposition actors are worried about the growth of the power of non-governmental actors united in the Islamic Republic. Based on this, in this research, while describing and explaining the software and hardware achievements of Hamas and Hezbollah in the region, we will discuss their effects on the regional position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East.
The findings indicate that the software and hardware achievements of Hamas and Hezbollah as two regionally allied non-governmental actors of the Islamic Republic of Iran had grown, which had a positive impact on Iran's regional position in the Middle East.

The results indicate that the increase in the smart power of Hamas and Hezbollah has increased the influence and bargaining power and ensured security for Iran against opposition actors such as Saudi Arabia, Israel and the United States in the Middle East.
In this article, we discussed the growth of the achievements of two main and powerful Islamic resistance movements, Hamas and Hezbollah, and its impact on Iran's regional position in the Middle East, and we analyzed and evaluated that the Islamic Republic of Iran has not recognized Israel since its inception and considered itself a supporter of the people. Palestine had defined. Hamas and Hezbollah emerged in Palestine and Lebanon, respectively, inspired by the intellectual foundations of political Islam and especially the Islamic Revolution in the 1990s, and drew their vital principles in the front line against Israel and victory against it.
In the past decades, the software and hardware achievements of Hamas and Hezbollah had grown. Regarding the software achievements of Hamas and Hezbollah, we can mention the increase in popularity of these actors in their country and the region. He also mentioned about the hardware achievements of Hamas and Hezbollah, deterrence power, missiles and drones and their victory against Israel in the past decades. Considering that the presence of these actors has a deep strategic importance, especially guaranteeing security for Tehran in the region, without a doubt, any software and hardware growth of the power of Hamas and Hezbollah is beneficial to the Islamic Republic against the regional and extra-regional actors who wanted to contain Iran and their bargaining power and influence. It has promoted Iran in the region and made any peace in the Middle East inevitable without the presence and participation of Tehran.

Realist theories in international relations have always had a special and focal position, and many thinkers and researchers have elaborated their intellectual foundations within the framework of realist assumptions. The realist theories of international relations can be divided into different categories from different perspectives, including the modern/classical and defensive/offensive categories. Each of the thinkers of realism in international relations have sought to present theories that have acceptable explanatory power and predictability, and at the same time have basic and coherent requirements, so that the name of theory can be given to it. In this regard, in a book entitled "From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America's World Role", Farid Zakaria has explained the basics and presented his theory under the title of "state-centered realism", which, in criticizing defensive realism, has explained the theoretical explanation of America's foreign policy and how to increase its power. and the interests of this country in the period of 1865-1908. Accordingly, in this article, we seek to explain and analyze the basics of this theory, as well as state its flaws based on the concepts contained in it. The basic questions of this research are as follows: First, what has this theory brought to the realist school of international relations? And secondly, what defects does it have? The research method is descriptive-analytical with emphasis on the theoretical concepts found in the mentioned book.