development

Iran's nuclear crisis with Western countries has been one of the most important political and economic challenges in recent years, which has had a wide impact on the country's development process. This research examines the different dimensions of this crisis and its impact on Iran's development processes. In this regard, international pressures, economic sanctions and restrictions caused by the nuclear crisis have been analyzed. Also, the research examines the impact of this crisis on key sectors such as economy, energy, industry and technology, environment and diplomatic relations of Iran and shows how these factors have hindered the achievement of sustainable development goals. The findings of this study show that despite Iran's efforts for independent development, international sanctions and pressures caused by the nuclear crisis have created major challenges in the country's economic and political development. In the end, possible solutions to reduce tensions and facilitate the path of development are also discussed.

The relationship between tradition and modernity significantly affects society, culture and development discoursee. This research examines the three critical views of tradition as imitation, transmission and transformation, and along with the analysis of their influencing components, it obtains the coordinates of development in effective connection with historical achievements. The main question and goal of this research is the coordinates of Iran's economic development in the era of globalization according to the development plan. Development is a multi-dimensional process that has evolved over time with conceptual challenges and has undergone various dimensions to complete the word. One of its important dimensions is attention to social justice in the framew-agricultural private sector in Iran, which is less industrial and traditional. Dispersion and decentralization of industries to achieve lower income inequality between provinces will create a level of loss, but less loss than in Western countries. Large wage variations explained by economic geography can cause significant internal migration, beyond what is seen in Western countries. In fact, significant internal migration has been observed in Iran in recent years. In fact, the coordinates of Iran's economic development according to the development plan can be pointed out in components such as the lack of balance, disregard for regional and global requirements, the dominance of political and non-scientific views on development, and the lack of long-term strength in the plans.

Human rights are one of the important components that various international organizations seek to develop and promote. The United Nations General Assembly is one of these institutions. According to the course of organizational development in the United Nations General Assembly in human rights issues, which has been analyzed, the relevance of the issue related to the global expectations and demands for the development and formulation of human rights has been emphasized. Of course, this right to development is an indisputable human right by which the United Nations General Assembly participates in it on behalf of various governments, whereby all human rights and fundamental freedoms are fully respected regardless of the structure of the countries without the power component approach. can be realized and this clarification of the language of contemporary human rights. At the same time, this effective approach is a prelude so that all societies can benefit from economic, social, cultural and political development, and it also helps to ensure that human rights institutions are vital for the effective implementation of their roles and responsibilities. have it The type of research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and based on the library method.have it The type of research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and based on the library method.

The Middle East, like other regions of the world, based on the characteristics arising from its history, tradition, value system, and of course its own political structures, is bound to face the reality of globalization as a process of interaction between micro and macro players in the global arena and in economic, social, and political dimensions. And it has been cultural. Especially since a significant part of the requirements of development and macro policies in the region have necessarily been intertwined and related to the issues and issues related to the reality of globalization. The result of the influence of various socio-political forces inside, the regulation of foreign policy, the diversification of economic capacities, and finally the management of security, political, economic and social consequences have been part of the headlines of the governments of the region facing the reality of globalization after 1990. Kuwait and Jordan, as two pioneer kingdoms in the region, faced the globalization process directly. Based on this, in this research, we are trying to answer the question, how has the mutual influence of development and globalization been in the two countries of Kuwait and Jordan? The authors of the article, rely on a comparative and comparative method and focus on the two governments of Kuwait and Jordan as a representative examples of two groups of oil-rich states lacking natural resources in the region under the liberal theoretical framework, as a proposal of the globalization phenomenon,

In 2024, Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson were awarded the Nobel Prize in economics for their research on the role of institutions in economic development. Their studies highlight that inclusive institutions, which promote broad participation in both the economy and politics, are essential foundations for development. In contrast, extractive institutions that serve the interests of specific groups hinder economic and social progress. Iran’s current state, characterized by inefficient, extractive institutions that protect minority interests, disrupts the country's development process. Drawing from the Nobel laureates' findings, it is clear that institutional reforms to enhance transparency, eliminate rent-seeking, and increase public participation are essential for setting the country on a path to development. In Iran, key obstacles to development include policies that favor specific groups over the general population, limited political participation, and the lack of an accountable party system. These economists stress the importance of reforming political and economic institutions to enable inclusive, participatory governance that can foster economic growth.

The concept of development in the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei is contrary to the Western concept of development. In the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei, the Iranian and Islamic model of progress and indigenous development is used instead of the concept of development in its Western concept. Such a reading of development in the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei is because development, according to Western standards and models, originates from humanistic and secular sources, while the Iranian and Islamic model of progress and development is based on spirituality and reliance on Islamic intellectual-philosophical foundations. In the present study, an attempt is made to explain and examine, in addition to the conceptualization of development and its dimensions, the meaning and concept of development, economic, political, cultural and social development based on the views of Ayatollah Khamenei, the nature of the Iranian Islamic model of progress and indigenous development and its place in the thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei. Therefore, in response to this question, it has been formulated that: According to the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei, what manifestations and signs does the Iranian Islamic model of indigenous progress and development rely on and what position does it have in the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei? The hypothesis that is evaluated and tested in response to the research question is that: The Iranian Islamic model of indigenous progress and development relies on manifestations and signs such as: spirituality, popularism, familyism, justice and social security, and adaptation to local requirements, which have priority over the concept of development in its Western concept. It is necessary to remember that the present study is applied from the perspective of its purpose and qualitative from the perspective of data analysis. From the perspective of how the data was collected, it is documentary. From the perspective of its nature, the present study is descriptive and data and findings analysis. The present study has used the theoretical model of development.The concept of development in the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei is contrary to the Western concept of development. In the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei, the Iranian and Islamic model of progress and indigenous development is used instead of the concept of development in its Western concept. Such a reading of development in the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei is because development, according to Western standards and models, originates from humanistic and secular sources, while the Iranian and Islamic model of progress and development is based on spirituality and reliance on Islamic intellectual-philosophical foundations. In the present study, an attempt is made to explain and examine, in addition to the conceptualization of development and its dimensions, the meaning and concept of development, economic, political, cultural and social development based on the views of Ayatollah Khamenei, the nature of the Iranian Islamic model of progress and indigenous development and its place in the thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei. Therefore, in response to this question, it has been formulated that: According to the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei, what manifestations and signs does the Iranian Islamic model of indigenous progress and development rely on and what position does it have in the teachings of Ayatollah Khamenei? The hypothesis that is evaluated and tested in response to the research question is that: The Iranian Islamic model of indigenous progress and development relies on manifestations and signs such as: spirituality, popularism, familyism, justice and social security, and adaptation to local requirements, which have priority over the concept of development in its Western concept. It is necessary to remember that the present study is applied from the perspective of its purpose and qualitative from the perspective of data analysis. From the perspective of how the data was collected, it is documentary. From the perspective of its nature, the present study is descriptive and data and findings analysis. The present study has used the theoretical model of development.

The theory of human development is one of the new theories of development that has received attention since the 1990s. In this theory, human being enjoying a long, healthy and creative life is the ultimate goal of development, and human development is realized with the effective role of the government. Today, one of the indicators for measuring the level of development of countries is the national and international human development reports. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are two major countries in the Persian Gulf region and the Middle East. The purpose of this research is to investigate the situation of two countries in terms of human development index and also why. Therefore, we are trying to compare the status of human development of Iran and Saudi Arabia. In the 2020 report of this organization, Iran scored 783/. ranked 70, and Saudi Arabia with a score of 854/. It has been assigned the 40th rank. According to the ranking of these two countries, the question arises as to what factors have had the greatest impact on the human development of these two countries? Meanwhile, factors of population, national income per capita, health and life expectancy constitute the difference and influencing factors on the human development index of the two countries.

Political and social developments in the international arenas have fundamentally changed the attitude towards development at the world level, and its main components have shifted from mere economic growth to other aspects of development, including political, cultural and social development, and a new concept called "social capital" has emerged. The development topics were of interest to the thinkers and it was proved that social capital can create a sense of trust, cohesion and security through creating connections and forming social networks over time. It has created among a nation and has increased the participation of citizens in various affairs of the society, which can be a huge capital and a solid support for the government in spreading the process of all-round development. The purpose of this research is to explain and analyze the impact of social capital and the relationship of its basic components with progress and development in Iran, especially that one of the reasons for the complicated economic situation in our country is the low level of social capital. Based on the findings of this research, i.e. the correct understanding of the category of social capital and the improvement of its quantitative and qualitative indicators, especially the building of trust among the members of the nation and in order to achieve common social norms, we can hope for more success in the implementation of the development programs of our country. This article is based on a combination of descriptive-analytical methods, collection of library information and available statistics.

Jihadi culture is a progressive and non-static culture in Islamic society, and if realized, it can remove obstacles to the revolution, the Islamic system, and society. To realize this, its desirable indicators must be evaluated and, after being identified, put into practice. The most important indicators of jihadi culture include insight, timely action, sincerity, perseverance, duty-orientedness, and obedience to the leadership. This article has tried to examine these indicators by emphasizing the orders of the Supreme Leader and using a "qualitative" method. The purpose of this research is to identify the indicators effective in the development of revolutionary institutions based on jihadi culture so that it can become a model for social behavior in the Islamic system, especially in the political sector. For example, if the jihadi culture model enters the field of developing revolutionary institutions, the indicators of political culture and public participation will grow significantly. As a result, the aforementioned indicators, which are among the most important indicators of jihadi culture in the development of revolutionary institutions, can help the Islamic system and society reach the desired level.

Development in all its dimensions is known as one of the most important human desires. This issue has been manifested in the opinions of Iranian jurists, thinkers and intellectuals since the Iranians got acquainted with the West and development. From the point of view of religious intellectuals, development has various elements, the most important of which is the priority of political-cultural development, educational system responsibility and modern interpretations of religious propositions. The central question and purpose of this research is the development components in the opinions of Malekian and Seyyed Javad Tabatabai as two influential thinkers in late Iran. Considering the descriptive-analytical method, it can be said The signs of development in religious intellectual discourse such as Tabataba'i are based on components such as authoritarian democratic government, minority religion, human rights, secularism and pluralism, as well as abandoning ideological religion and turning the public arena into the domain of custom. In this regard, according to recent thinkers, development is emphasized on empirical science, responsibility, abandoning ideology and single-objective speech, putting all religious propositions such as hijab and free experience of faith on all-round development, especially scientific development separated from spirituality. And it means introvert. But specifically, development in Tabatabai's views is formulated with emphasis on authoritarianism, powerful government, rule of law, human development, expediency, democratic elitism, and nationalism over extroverted and philosophical economic development.

Development is one of the most important topics of the governance system.One of the main tools that can be used in understanding the growth of a country and in measuring the policy making process is the qualitative examination of indicators aimed at national development.Cultural development, as one of the three main aspects of territorial development, has always been considered as a necessary and necessary prerequisite for the political and economic development of countries. Our goal of this research is to achieve a brief evaluation of the decisions taken in the contemporary cultural development with the process of exploring the recent political systems.Therefore, we have considered Iran's history for two consecutive periods and have chosen Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic as our study.After five indicators: "strategy and procedure"; cooperation and awareness; Industry and art; Creation, Belief, Propaganda, and Media" were investigated in the test of two regimes;We found out that although there is a substantial difference between J.A. and the ruling Pahlavi regime in terms of political ideas, but except for the component: "Literature and Architecture", J.A. has a growing or at least equal approach to the measures taken in cultural development in other sectors. The second side has shown.Culture, as the breathing space of a society, is an artefact of a set of elements that shape the mental inductions and behavioral characteristics of the people of a land over many years. The cultural body of any country is the output of temporal-spatial developments governing the men and women of that ecosystem at the intersection of climatic hazards, material blessings, human relations and values and norms established in moral conflicts. From the middle of the Qajar period, Iran witnessed the emergence of cultural and behavioral changes in the inner layers of its identity, by being immersed in the relations of the modern sphere. From the very beginning, the encounter with new technologies and street attractions of Farang people stole the hearts of intellectuals and quickly convinced them that for the prosperity of Iran, they should give in to the cultural transformation of the country. Rather, they should enjoy the dream of more facilities, services and amenities, law and order, and better awareness. This event intensified from the political and economic side after the 1999 coup. From 1306, Reza Khan began to create a judicial system, country divisions and new administrative rules. "Establishing a university and sending students abroad, attracting European advisors in the administration of internal affairs, creating an army and trained military forces, expanding highways, equipping several central cities with the intention of multiplying urbanization and limiting rural and nomadic life" were among them.Such unilateral actions gradually changed the national culture and customary norms. With the requirement to wear a uniform from 1307 and the introduction of the mandatory hijab from 1314 following the limitation of religious propaganda and the economic weakening of religious institutions, the expression of spirituality decreased. After that, with the developmentist literature of Parsons, under the pretext of "expanding the scientific approach, fighting superstitions, meritocracy, specialization, centralization, expediency, elite selection and the creation of a systematic bureaucracy", the cultural development of Iran is synonymous with emptying the national identity and becoming more and more similar to The life of Europeans started. Therefore, denouncing religion and mocking the tradition was recognized as a sign of apostasy. With the spread of the translated works of the intellectuals and the partial implementation of the orders of the British, French and Russian graduates; Fascination with laicity, secularism and relativism became the religion of Islam and exposed the indigenous culture to suicide and eclecticism between traditional and modern aspects.The process of cultural development, passing through two decades of Pahlavi's first efforts under the influence of Turkey's dependent development model, begins with the establishment of Mohammad Reza. The cultural development of Pahlavi II started in the forties and its preparations were planned after the August 28 coup. On the other hand, with the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution, the basic policies of the country underwent transformation and the schema of cultural identity and view of progress changed. Mass media and cultural propaganda and international impositions intensified and made Iran enter another space. The investigation of the country's cultural policies in two consecutive periods was investigated in this article in order to find out what line the cultural development process of contemporary Iran has taken. On the other hand, considering the indicators of development in Western classical formats is not in our nature; Because it cannot provide a model that fits Iranian cultural and ecological signs. But it is necessary to take into consideration the commonalities by extracting the indicators of cultural development in the West and combining them efficiently with the Iranian development model, so that through their rational selection, a comparative approach can be obtained to measure the country's cultural situation; Therefore, in the present study, the efforts of the researchers are focused on exploring the cultural development process of the country during the periods of stability of Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic. This statement should be organized in a way that can expose the cultural policies of the country to a critical description and a brief but scientific comparison through a precise tool.

High-level documents in any country fundamentally influence the patterns and criteria of governance. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Constitution serves as the primary foundational document, establishing the principles and foundations of governance following the Islamic Revolution. This document has shaped the legal and political basis of the Islamic Republic and has acted as a guide for policymaking and major decision-making in the country over the past four decades. In 2018, on the threshold of entering the fifth decade of the Islamic Republic’s existence, Ayatollah Khamenei issued a statement titled “The Second Step of the Islamic Revolution.” This statement, as a new high-level document, encompasses various aspects of politics, culture, science, economy, and society, outlining a roadmap for the future of the Islamic Republic of Iran in its “Second Step.” In this context, the statement specifically emphasizes the necessity of reconsidering approaches and policies, aiming to strengthen and improve governance in the country. This research initially aims to extract a governance model from the contents of the Second Step document (independent variable) and subsequently examines the compatibility between this model and the global document of “Good Governance” (moderating variable) through a comparative analysis, assessing their alignment with the country’s development (dependent variable). The research seeks to answer the following question: Can a coherent model for policymaking in the country be derived from the content of the Second Step statement of the Islamic Revolution? For public policymaking in Iran, which has better conditions between the content of the Second Step statement of the Islamic Revolution and good governance (global definition)? The authors’ hypothesis is based on the premise that the implementation of the components of the Second Step statement of the Islamic Revolution can lead to an improvement in the quality of governance and an increase in the efficiency of public policymaking in Iran. Furthermore, the alignment of the principles of the Second Step statement with global good governance criteria indicates the potential of this statement to create a sustainable and effective model for public policymaking.

The inability of classical theories of development, such as "dependency theory" and "modernization theory", cultural development and its impact on development became of special importance. Cultural development faces obstacles. Determinism and ethnocentrism are among the major obstacles that stand against cultural development, the categories that are the subject of this research. Determinism and ethnocentrism were measured as independent variables and cultural development as a dependent variable. The purpose of investigating the effect of these obstacles on cultural development is to emphasize the change of the structure of values ​​in the families of Shiraz city. This research was carried out using a survey method.The sample was 384 citizens living in Shiraz, whose number was calculated using Cochran's formula, and a questionnaire was distributed among the families of the statistical population from cluster sampling. The findings showed that the two variables of ethnocentrism and fatalism have a definite effect on the determination of social values, and there is a significant relationship at the level of 99% and above, and the hypotheses are confirmed. Also, the findings show that the tendency towards ethnocentrism and fatalism have an influence on democracy, globalization and scientism and are an obstacle in the way of cultural development.

Development programming in Islamic Republic of Iran, like other developing countries, is aiming the growth and progress, especially in the economic dimensions, which requires equipping resources inside and acquiring resources from abroad. Therefore, it is a very important prerequisite that in a logical combined framework is set the development model, and economic strategy and foreign policy proportionately to the model. The optimal and desired combination in the past six programs should be included the extrovert and endogenous development model and the strategy of active economic diplomacy based on international exchanges and developmental foreign policy. Proportionating to this desirability, the main question is about the what position of economic diplomacy in the six development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially the in seventh plan. The hypothesis is that the development programs in the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the 7th development plan, did not include a pattern proportionating to development and it has led to Refusal to set goals and prioritize of economic diplomacy in the six programs. The purpose of the article is to explain the factors affecting the neglect of economic diplomacy in the development programs of Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the present article considers the economic prioritization and targeting as a serious necessity within the developmental state theory and on the basis of development planning styles and deals with the requirements and strategic implications, taking into account the possibility and refusal of the economic goals of the 7th Development Plan. The findings of the article is that Islamic Republic of Iran must consider the necessities and requirements of a specific foreign policy so called internationally selected interaction. The research method of the article is descriptive - analytical and based on the conceptual and theoretical understanding of the developmental foreign policy, the place of economic diplomacy in Islamic Republic of Iran's development programs is explained.

China and the United States, the two economic superpowers accounting for nearly 43% of the global economy, are engaged in a mutually interdependent economic relationship, despite their distinct levels of development and positions within the global supply chain. This interconnectedness has fostered numerous opportunities for the international economy and contributed to the dynamism of the global market. Employing the theory of comparative advantage, this paper examines the nature of this relationship and the positioning of each country within the supply chain. Findings indicate that the mutual economic dependence between these two nations has been shaped by their comparative advantages and has intensified over the past two decades, driven by China's rapid economic growth and increased joint ventures. China is primarily positioned at the beginning of the supply chain, focusing on the production of consumer goods and industrial products, while the United States has solidified its place at the end of the chain, emphasizing design, research and development, and advanced technologies.

Investigating how the Safavid state emerged and flourished in today’s Iran territory is very useful for understanding Iran's history and current situation. Interpreting states' evolution over time requires a theory that considers the dynamics of the internal relations of individuals in the government organization and the mutual effects the society in the economic, political, and social fields over time. A look at the mass of studies about the Safavids shows that despite the many efforts made, there are still many differences of opinion about the causes of the emergence, peak, and decline of the Safavid era. It is expected that the use of more comprehensive theories in interpreting state developments will contribute to the coherence of interpretations of common understanding in this field. Recently, three experts centered on Douglas North, the joint winner of the 1993 Nobel Prize in Economics, have presented a conceptual framework for development, which they claim can be used to interpret and analyze the written history of mankind and the relationship between historical developments and development.

The North et al. conceptual framework attracted the attention of Iranian researchers and it has been used in the research (Ziaei, 1402) to interpret the developments of the Sasanian state from the beginning to its fall, and in (Qarakhani et al. 1400) for the Pahlavi state. One research, with the same theoretical framework was conducted by (Ostad and Heydari 1400) for the Safavids, although its title seems to include the entire Safavid period, its purpose is to investigate the causes of the downfall of the Safavids. Also, in the theoretical framework of North et al., the changes in the government are the changes in the coalition, which can be analyzed by the principle of double balance, as described in the theoretical part, but in this research, this capacity is neglected and in some cases, the concepts of other theoretical frameworks are used.Goal The aim of this is to use the conceptual framework of the "natural state" to provide a new interpretation of the progress of Safavid dynasty from the beginning to the end of Shah Abbas I's reign, which is expected to be more comprehensive and coherent than the existing interpretations.

The period from the Safavid sect era to Abbas I is divided into seven periods.From endowment management to country government (1300-1499)From the coalition of warriors to the government of an empire (1514-1499)The containment of Qazalbashan by the break down Ismail (1514-1524)War of the elders in the presence of the child king (1524-1533)Stable and durable coalition (1576-1533)Civil war and shaky alliances (1576-1589)The perfect coalition (1629-1589)For each period, at first, the related part of the theoretical framework is presented, then state evolution is interpreted according to the combination of the coalition’s members, their relative political power, and environmental conditions.

The results show that the initial coalition of the Safavid state, which was formed by the absolute dominance of the Shah and the strong role of the Qizelbashs and Sufis, with some ups and downs reached its peak during the period of Abbas I. This coalition includes the king, wardens, governors of kingdoms and Khalsa states, pastoral and professional soldiers, jurisconsult, bureaucrats, courtiers, and on its margins were merchants, architects, doctors, and some other elites. The geographical size of the Safavid state during the last conquests of Ismail I and the time of the death of Abbas I did not differ much, and except for around the beginning of the kingdom of Abbas I, it had little fluctuations during this period.The characteristics of the Safavid coalition are: 1) The axis of this coalition was a dynasty with a long history was urban, with a religious attraction among the society and especially acceptance among the military of the alliance. It had economic, political facilities and military command experience. This family was always above all, more or less the manifestation of the hopes of the members, the arbiter and the speaker of the conflicts and the controller of all the members of the coalition. In other words, the axis of the coalition was often "people of religion", "people of the sword", "people of the pen" and "people of economic accounting" at the same time.2) Although the military force always played an important role in the coalition, it was fragmented and as a result, one of them couldn't dominate the entire coalition. They were basically the defenders of the coalition and they competed to the extent that the coalition would not fall apart.3) The composition of the members, their role and power were such that it provided various military and economic rents to the coalition and to some extent provided the growth of some economic activities. The whole coalition and especially its axis, unlike most of the great Mongol and Turkish empires, was not alien to agriculture, urban life and trade, but promoted trade and urbanization.

According to the theory of "natural state" by North et al. the relation of the Safavid coalition to the development of Iran It can said:- The Safavid state was not an absolute European state or a national state, but the rule of a single government over the current territory of Iran for more than two hundred years accelerated and facilitated the achievement of a centralized state in the following years. The role of religion in this coalition has been much more complicated than in Europe, and it seems that each of the different points of view in this field has only dealt with a part of these complexities. From an organizational point of view, no organization was formed outside the state, but the juris consults had an organization parallel to the state to some extent In terms of the government's support for organizations outside the government, it can be said that no organization of this kind was formed, but the scholars recently had an organization that was somewhat parallel to the government. The dominance of the militaries, especially nomads, in the coalition and the consecration of officials and individuals caused the discussion on the powers of the coalition members, especially the restrictions on the king's powers, to not lead to official and written agreements like what happened in Europe.

The emergence of a new political system in Afghanistan after the attack of September 11, 2001, in the United States made the issue of political empowerment of women in this country to be examined. This article seeks to answer the question of what factors caused Afghan women not to develop relative political empowerment based on democracy from 2001 to 2021. Today, the method of political empowerment of women in different fields, especially in the political field, faces a series of obstacles and challenges. The limitations and challenges in the process of women's political empowerment cause the society to remain without the development and political participation of women. In this regard, it seems that the political society of Afghanistan, as a leading society, is facing the condition of non-compliance of gender in the matter of political empowerment. Women as a large part of the society have experienced detailed participation in political life for more than two decades.In Afghanistan, to adapt to the new conditions and try to solve the crises that have plagued this country in recent decades, women's issues have also been emphasized. The consequences of the events of September 11, 2001, for women were highlighted, as it led to the decline of the misogynistic Taliban regime. The harsh and oppressive policies of the Taliban towards women had created a very unbearable path for women, which resulted in the limitation of women's operations and their confinement within the four walls of the house. Women suffered a lot of hardships during this period and their migration became more intense. After September 11, 2001, and the entry of the new political system in Afghanistan, a relatively open and suitable space was organized for the presence of women in various fields. Laws were enacted to protect women's rights, both in the form of affirmative action. Their measured and impressive presence in several election periods of the country shows this fact. More than the right to vote, women had more visible activities in obtaining representative and managerial seats at the center and local governments in the provinces. Despite all this, social differences and dissociations based on unsavory cultural connections caused the striking presence of women in political power to face many controversies. Women played a symbolic role in the political arena of this country in the last two decades. Addressing the problem and challenges of women's political empowerment in Afghanistan for 20 years is a new subject that has been neglected by researchers. In the last two decades, all discourses and actions to increase the level of political participation of women were generally ceremonial and symbolic and remained so until recent years. In fact, the issue of women is a cultural issue, and its solution, in addition to passing laws and institutionalizing women's affairs in laws, requires cultural measures, planning, institutionalization, and proving the presence of women in the mentality of Afghan society.Ashraf Ghani’s government has taken stronger steps in the field of women's rights and abilities than Hamid Karzai’s government. Laws were passed to eliminate violence and gender prejudice against women, but the obstacles and problems that were created during Karzai's rule in the way of empowering women, unfortunately, the same obstacles appeared in Ashraf Ghani's regime that prevented women from participating in the political, social, cultural and economic fields of the country. Political empowerment of women can be described as a process to increase their capacity in different fields. Unfortunately, during the two decades of Karzai and Ghani's rule, according to official statistics, women were placed in a weaker social and political position and were more marginalized compared to men. Afghan women were in a difficult economic dependency and a bad social situation. In the last two decades, all speeches and actions to increase the level of political participation of women were generally formal and symbolic and it has been the same until recent years. The anti-woman culture in Afghanistan has been able to oppress women and keep them away from all their rights for 20 years. The patriarchal system in Afghanistan with its autocratic culture has prevented women from developing political, social, economic and cultural abilities for years. One of the inhuman and illegal customs in Afghanistan has been the discriminatory treatment of Afghan government officials with political men and active and educated women of this country.

Research question: 

This article seeks to answer the question of what are the factors that make Afghan women unable to develop the desired political empowerment based on democracy from 2001 to 2020?Research hypothesis: The hypotheses of the article refer to mental, cultural, political, economic and social effects based on Saralange women's empowerment theory.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

For this purpose, documentary qualitative method and interviews based on Sara langwe's empowerment theory have been used to obtain data.

The research results show that the mutual influence of political, cultural, economic, social and psychological factors during the last twenty years and during the presidency of Karzai and Ghani, have caused Afghan women not to develop the desired political empowerment based on democracy and from a weak position.

Before Karzai's two terms, women were not given the power to overcome external pressures and prejudices to gain their lost rights and improve their social status. According to Lange, women should know that what exists is not just and fair, but it can be changed, and they can change the situation in their favor. According to Lange, empowerment at this stage means increasing women's awareness of the existing situation, drawing the desired situation and the ways to reach that situation. In this regard, Afghan women have been aware of injustice, gender discrimination, emotional pressures, and economic and social problems in the past twenty years and to some extent, despite the political, psychological, cultural and socio-economic obstacles and challenges, they have been able to overcome the conditions and challenges and change them to their advantage and improve their situation.

In this article, with a historical approach, we will discuss the influence of the institution of religion on changing the minds of Turkish society and accepting development. The main issue is what are the characteristics of the institution of religion in contrast to reforms and modernization, which as an institution that has an impact on the heart of Turkish society, has facilitated the acceptance of modernization and the passing of tradition to some extent by the society, the main question of the present research is that How has the institution of religion prepared the Turkish society to accept modernization and modernity? The answer to the initial hypothesis is that the characteristics of the Hanafi religion (dominant religion in Turkey) with emphasis on the principle of approval and peace and tolerance with modernization have caused its easy acceptance by the Turkish society.The institution of religion as an independent variable and development as a dependent variable have been analyzed in this research based on social changes. And this research is based on the descriptive-analytical method and the use of library sources and documents. And in four parts, the theoretical framework, modernization and reforms from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Atatürk, the characteristics of the institution of religion (methods and religions) in Turkey in the face of modernization, the conclusion is organized.

The aim of the present study was to identify cultural barriers to political development in Iran. The research method was qualitative and used content analysis to identify the dimensions and components of cultural barriers to political development in Iran. This research was developmental-applied in terms of its purpose, descriptive in terms of data collection, and exploratory in terms of data certainty. Sampling in the present study was purposeful and continued until theoretical saturation. In the written sources section, theoretical saturation was achieved by reviewing 29 sources (from 1994 to 2013) and in the interview section with 9 interviews. The research findings showed that cultural barriers to political development in Iran were classified into 238 basic themes, 42 organizing themes, and 13 comprehensive themes. The overarching themes include: dogmatism and uncriticalness, irrationalism, extreme traditionalism, neuroticism, weak work ethic, weak collective spirit, discrimination and inequality, conservatism, fear of facing reality, oligarchy, flattery and hypocrisy, lack of discipline, and burning out of experience. The research findings emphasized that designing educational and cultural programs to promote public awareness and strengthen the spirit of social participation, as well as paying attention to cultural diversity and creating a space for dialogue and exchange of views, can help reduce these obstacles and pave the way for political development in Iran.