نشریه جامعه شناسی سیاسی ایران
سال دوم شماره 2 (پیاپی 6، تابستان 1398)

in order to evaluate the role of political-cultural factors as downside risk factors in the petrochemical industry, this study analyzes the data in two stages. In the first stage, according to the concepts of postmodern portfolio theory, the downside risk of stock returns of petrochemical companies was investigated and as a result of these calculations, it was found that the downside risk of stock returns of petrochemical companies listed on the Tehran Stock Exchange in most years, more The stock market portfolio of the Tehran Stock Exchange has been at risk of return. In the second stage, qualitative measurement (ranking) of systematic risk with a marketing approach was done. In order to identify and rank the risks in the petrochemical industry through surveying and distribution of questionnaires and analysis of answers, the following results were obtained: crude oil price fluctuations, disregard for environmental standards, political developments, especially global sanctions and cancellation of contracts. With foreign companies and changes in exchange rates are among the factors increasing the systematic risk in the petrochemical industry. It can also be said that government support for foreign investment, the existence of huge and rich resources of oil and natural gas are among the factors that reduce systematic risk in the petrochemical industry.

Political systems for reaching their goals need strategic supplies so can have the necessary power for facing obstacles and moving toward progress. Meanwhile, software supplies like national identity are prime. That is why in Upper documents of different countries we can often see it. From this view, the main question for writers was: how national identity reflected in grand policies of the sixth program for development (which ordered from supreme leader) The importance of studying how national identity reflects the Iranian development policies is that, if the identity elements are not properly reflected in these policies, Iranian society will gradually suffer from the identity crisis. In order to determine the general policies of the Islamic Republic is the responsibility of the Supreme Leader, this article has tried to explain the concept of national identity from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei and extract its components. Then examine it in relation to the general policies of the Sixth Development Plan as the current development policy in Iran. content analysis was the method of this research. This article is exploratory and therefore it is not any special assumption intended by the authors.

The Islamic Revolution has disrupted the predetermined oil equations of Western countries. Among the US strategic plans is to leverage oil and gas resources of the oilrich countries and manage it through destabilizing the region. The resistance front is designed to stabilize the region so that US intervention can be controlled. This article examines the impact of the Martyrdom of Islamic Resistance leaders and Iran's response to this action on the oil market and the future scenario of oil market. The main research question is to investigate the channels of influence of the resistance leaders of terror and its impact on the oil market and to examine the scenario of the oil market development after this event using a descriptive method. The results show that by doing so, the United States will emerge through fundamental factors in the long run. Therefore, the United States seeks to destabilize the region, to de-oil its facilities, and to take over the West Asian oil-exporting market. The main reason for the greater presence of Americans in the region and Iraq, despite the relative need of the United States and the decline of its dependence on regional oil, is to control China and India's economic growth rate.

The purpose of the present article is to investigate the effectiveness of the new middle class on the realization of electoral participation in Iran in the last two decades (96-76(.The findings of the study show that the new middle class in an active and participatory atmosphere with dignity and orientation. Specific politics is the most important social force focusing on components such as political development, civil society, democracy, participatory competition and justice, the main social base of activists and advocates of political-electoral participation with specific demands and demands, and their impact on The realization of electoral participation has shown. The theoretical framework chosen for the analysis of the subject is modernization theories with a descriptive-analytical approach and a historical-adaptive approach, in which the new middle class, in line with political-electoral partnerships, develops and manages different political orientations. And has been leading the collective action and civil movement.

In the research, statements of 12th Iranian presidential election candidates have been scrutinized in order to analyze the discourses which candidates promote individually or in a coalition. For this end, the method of discourse analysis by Norman Fairclough was used and according to research method, the descriptive, interpretive and explanatory aspects of discourses were analyzed. In the methodology part of the research, a table developed using Fairclough critical discourse analysis and analyzing the debates were conducted based on the table. In description level, the discourse was examined at the micro level (discourse as a text) and in interpretation level, discourse was analyzed in an intermediate level (discourse as a process) and also in explanation level, the discourse was scrutinized at macro level (discourse as a social context). The result indicates that in the 12th presidential election debates, there is a controversy between the dominant discourse of reformists and the opponent conservatives. The representatives of reformists discourse are: Rouhani, Jahangiri and Hashemi-taba. The repress   entatives of conservatives discourse are: Raisi, Ghalibaf and Mirsalim. The common discourses in each of the debates are somehow a reconstruction of the discourses that have been present in the political history of the Islamic Republic of Iran in previous periods.

The purpose of this article is the relationship between social space and the practice of parliament in Iran (1974-1959). Parliaments are also groups of representatives, each having a relationship with social forces and political power centers . The practice of parliaments can be seen as a reflection of the positions of these forces and social groupings and considerations of the centers of political power. The question in this research was what is the relationship between the legislative and oversight functions of parliament and social space in Iran after the revolution? To answer this question, using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of distinction, which is based on the concepts of 'social space', practice, field, capital and habitus, and using thematic and content analysis methods, the practice of the representatives ninth term of the Islamic Assembly and its relation to the process of developments social space between 1359 - 1395 was examined. The findings show the multilayered features of political power and continuous classify and struggles of the political field and the complex and increasing distinctions and conflicts in the social space reflected within parliament and has led intra-parliamentary groupings to frequently changing representations of preferences and priorities in the legislative and oversight areas. representatives and parliamentary groupings have pursued their local or national preferences in parliament. we came to a pattern of social space that showed in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the asymmetric social space is popularity and symmetric exception. This has been linked to the ideological and nature of rentier state.

In this paper, the functioning of social networks has been studied on the employees political behavior. Political behavior in the organization is one of the commonplace organizational phenomena that the information society is an important source of nutrition. Since today, two important functions of social networks, such as informing or covering news and controlling public opinion in the field of political behavior, the function of these networks is questioned on the Employees' political behavior of Organization Regulation and Radio Communication in Iran. Accordingly, this research conducted a qualitative method and using the data theory of the foundation with a total of 12 managers, deputy and consultants of the organization. Sampling was done purposefully and to the extent of theoretical saturation. The analysis of the data from the interviews was coded in accordance with the research strategy in three stages. The results identify and understand 23 commonly used political behavior in the organization from about 60 early concepts. Each axial category was derived from the combination of four primary categories and in focal coding, internal organizational behaviors, outsourcing behaviors, horizontal behavior, vertical behavior, legitimate behavior and illegitimate behavior were identified and identified. These behaviors are brought about by social networking and new communication developments and created in the organization.

This article tries to examine and compare the central signifier of the reformist and fundamentalist discourse according to the approach of the sixth and seventh parliaments. Accordingly, the main question is: What are the similarities and differences between the central sign and the floating signs of the fundamentalist and reformist discourses in the sixth and seventh assemblies? The central signifier of the reform discourse is based on constitutional political development, freedom, the expansion of civil institutions and political organizations, the proliferation of the press and media, and the de-escalation and development of relations in the international arena, while the central signifier is the fundamentalist discourse based on progressive Velayat-e-Faqih and the Constitution, the comprehensiveness of the presence of religion in the arena of politics and anti-arrogance, insistence on the principles and goals and the initial ideals of the revolution, With their worldview and central signifier, they have been influential in the political structure of Iran. The present hypothesis was confirmed based on the data and findings of the article, which is based on the comparative research method and the theoretical framework of discourse analysis, and the data were obtained from the library and documentary method. The findings of this study show that the reformist discourse, which is the principled discourse, does not show the capacity for efficient, complex and up-to-date theorizing of structures and institutions, and managerial and behavioral reform, and its availability and credibility are damaged.

Transparency is about directing the strategic and intelligent efforts of citizens and creation of common perception . Als,emphasizing transparency in social groups strengthens the sociability of individuals. In fact,the consequence and expansion of transparency on the one hand and the commitment to transparency on the other hand strengthens pride and will through the feeling of being effective.That is,the more a person's commitment to transparency and expectation of transparency from others is strengthened, his motivation for action is stronger.Due to the importance of subject the transparency of research in the face of descriptive research, analytics seeks to answer the main question that, what will be the role of transparency interpretation frameworks as a balancing mechanism for collective action according to current Iranian strategies? When the society lacks the functional balance of political and economic structures, multiple slots in the power structure and the society will be created, which leads to civil discontent and subsequently social action will expand. Therefore, favorable structural backgrounds, structural pressures and generalized beliefs will be prepared for action. Furthermore,transparency is an integration of the realization of credible opportunities for spontaneous action and the organization of collective action.The occurrence of same accelerating events, the actualization of mobilization potential with components of creating political and social opportunities were in line with the expansion of collective participation of the intended activists and transparency is effective in social control, the inhibition of collective actions and guiding them to predictable routes, which will be explored in more detail in the present work.

Globalization is a phenomenon whose extent, consequence and nature are in competition. Globalization at a more general level can be described as the name given to the multifaceted process of development of human activities throughout the world. This phenomenon, while hypothetically having both a real and an ideal dimension, can be said that both of these dimensions affect each other. The implications for international law at the same time have been far-reaching and sometimes difficult to affirm. The significance of these perceptions lies in the fact that globalization is a pervasive phenomenon that cannot be ignored in international law. At the same time, it should be emphasized that public international law after the Roman Empire has historically been based on a specific rejection of the possibility or desirability of global rules or even interaction. International law initially concerned the existence and status of a particular type of state and its relations with other states. This exposes the government exclusively to a vulnerable phenomenon that calls into question the status and role of the state. However, the implications of globalization for the human rights of the downtrodden of the year are likely to be ambiguous and hampered by their close relationship to the evolution of international law itself. This article seeks to answer the question: What are the obstacles to the globalization of human rights? In order to study the obstacles to the globalization of human rights in a descriptive-analytical way, the author answers the question that there are cultural, political.

In the quality of international oil contracts, the long-term and differences of legal systems can be considered as an intrinsic part of these contracts, political and economic fluctuations and changes will have a direct impact on the implementation of such contracts; Therefore, measures should be taken to control and prevent surprises. To achieve this, we need to address the legal implications of the issue of fluctuations. The legal concept of hardship is in fact the source of economic and political fluctuations that can lead to modification, suspension and eventual termination of the contract; However, this legal concept has different terms and effects in the law of Iran and Britain and the legal principles of international trade agreements. The International should be considered as an example of an international document that is the intersection of different legal systems, and given the differences in the concept, conditions and effects of this legal entity, it is better to deal with it in detail in such agreements.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the role of cultural policy on social religiosity of Tehran citizens. The present study was an applied study in terms of purpose and cross-sectional in terms of time, because it is related to a specific time period. In terms of data collection, it was a survey. The statistical population of this study was the citizens of Tehran that Morgan table was used to select the sample. A number of households were selected by multi-stage cluster sampling method. The data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire and an interview. After collecting the data, the information was processed using SPSS software. According to the results of the study, there is a relationship between the level of knowledge of cultural policy and social religiosity of Tehran citizens. The t-test related to regression coefficient in the table shows that this coefficient is significant (sig = 0.000) and is effective in religiosity. Research shows that people's knowledge of cultural policy and religiosity is above average.

The present study investigated the effect of economic policy uncertainty on the risk of stock price falls in listed companies. Analyzing the impact of economic policy uncertainty on the risk of falling stock prices in listed companies can help the research literature and is of great importance. Therefore, the increasing expansion and development of various industrial and commercial institutions and companies and the sharp increase in competition between them has caused organizations and companies to think only of their organizational benefits and interests to survive and to achieve these goals of do not take any short action. Lack of attention of managers to social responsibility will prevent their effective service to society and the development and credibility of the organization. The research method is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive-correlational in nature. The research area of the companies listed on the Tehran Stock Exchange and its time area during the 6-year period (2014-2019) were selected as (93 companies). A regression model based on composite data was used to analyze the data and information collected. The results showed that the risk of falling stock prices at the company level increases with economic policy uncertainty. Economic policy uncertainty is significantly and positively related to the risk of falling stock prices at the market level.

The efficiency of laws is one of the important concerns of the legislatures, which as an important feature of its realization has a direct impact on the protection of national lands. What is the difference between the new approach in laws based on the principle of limiting the right of protest of individuals to implement the regulations of nationalization of forests and pastures as an independent basis for maintaining state ownership? ? It seems that a new perspective can be the basis for establishing and implementing rules in order to succeed in the effectiveness of laws and achieve the goal of protection of national lands. The nationalization of the country's forests and rangelands should be an exception and the protection of government ownership on behalf of the public towards natural resources should be considered as the original Anfal. The basis of this view can be found in Article 45 of the Constitution

The main element in the field of punishment and subsequent punishment is the measurement and evaluation of the severity of the crime committed. And there is a definite correlational punishment, and the intensification of blame and reproach is not justified without increasing the severity of the crime committed. The mother of this article seeks to answer the questions: What are the criteria for determining the severity of a crime? Are these criteria basically common in different legal systems? And what are the correlations of assessing the severity of a crime? Crime (objective criterion) are two important criteria in assessing the severity of the crime committed. And these two criteria are common to all legal systems, although in some cases under the influence of factors such as history and civilization, religion, culture, beliefs and values, the degree of crime in different legal systems may vary.culture, beliefs and values, the degree of crime in different legal systems may vary.

The option of delaying the price is one of the three exclusive options of the contract of sale, during which if the customer does not pay the contract fee within three days after concluding the contract, the seller will have the right to terminate the contract based on the customer's laziness in fulfilling contractual obligations. This option is one of the options of the Shari'a that has been introduced from Islamic jurisprudence to the subject law of Iran. This option is one of the options of the Shari'a that has been introduced from the Islamic jurisprudence to the subject law of Iran. It is not seen in foreign law. In the present article, we have examined the nature of this cucumber, its religious and philosophical foundations, existential and executive effects, as well as some emerging issues around this cucumber, such as its application in electronic transactions. such as its application in electronic transactions

The purpose of examining the issue of "the reason for obstruction" is whether "general suspicion" is also evidence just as "specific suspicion" is evidence or not? If general suspicion is evidence, mujtahid has a larger circle than evidence. In the contemporary era, only Ayatollah Shabiri Zanjani is a supporter of the theory of obstruction, which in fact, when he comes to the evidence of obstruction and acting on public suspicion, he acts in an open manner, which is investigated in this research. But examining evidence of obstruction is valuable from a scientific point of view and improves the mind of the researcher so that he can make inferences when faced with different evidence, although it also has brief practical benefits that we will discuss in this research. The approach of this research is to examine the works and writings of Usul scholars in different centuries and from the emergence of the science of Usul in the eyes of the Shiites until today. The serious supporters of the theory of the reason for the obstruction of the late Ibn Quba in the fourth century (Abu Jaafar Muhammad bin Abdul Rahman bin Quba Razi, known as Ibn Qaba Razi, the Imami theologian) and Mirza Qomi (Mirza Abul Qasim bin Hasan known as "Mirza Qomi"), the owner of various theoretical and jurisprudential works in It was the twelfth century.