نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 33 (تابستان 1399)

The purpose of the present study is to review the true origin of the validity of human freedom and existence in the Qur’an. In this regard based on the method of the Qur’an to the Qur’an exegesis and relying on the interpretation presented by Allāma Tabātabā’i about humans, the origin of freedom validity is explored. Following Allāma Tabātabā’i, the story of Hobut (the fall of man) is considered as the focus of human narration. The results showed that man due to his spiritual aspect, is akin to the divine names and treasures. He is introduced as the caliph (successor) of God in all existence and this human aspect gains awareness of his innate poverty in the world of Zar so understands that he is not independent from God Almighty in any of the status he has gained as result of His succession. The caliph following his Lord, regards himself of free will, absolute sovereignty, and general authority. Yet he has the right of freedom but is independent.

Using a qualitative method based on textual hermeneutics, the present study aims to answer “what are the criticisms to the principles of the theory of freedom in the view of Isiah Berlin based on the idea of Allāma Javādi ‘Amoli?” The results showed that the idea of freedom in the perspective of Isiah Berlin has a root in humanistic and pluralistic thinking and that Allāma Javādi ‘Amoli’s return point in the above criticism relies on the principle of “the recognition of origin”. Accordingly, a human as a finite being, in Takwin (creation) and Tashri’ (legislation), needs an infinite being that is God. The spread of human needs to God involves the evaluation and prioritization of values too so a human has no choice but to obey God and follow the commands and prohibitions of the religion. This issue is in contrast with humanistic and pluralistic ideas in Berlin’s view.

The purpose of the present study is to display “the doctrine of intellectual freedom” based on religious references. By searching and analyzing the term “Horriyat” in Islamic traditions, it was determined that it is possible to set the doctrine of intellectual freedom to answer all likely questions in this regard. According to the content of Ahādith from Ahl al-Bayt, human freedom and Horriyat is not contractual or presented by mankind but it just relies on the divine “command” as God has created humans and bestowed them the gift of freedom and the free living. Reflection upon the Ahādith of Imams about freedom proved that the cause and philosophy of freedom is the spiritual evolution and praying to God; and that the highest prayer belongs to the free men and women. As for the essence of freedom and the truth of liberty, there are many positive and negative features that all have been mentioned in the Ahādith of Ahl al-Bayt. It is evident that in recognition of freedom and people’s duty about that and free people, the underlying causes and significance of knowing and seeking freedom and having Horriyat is embedded.

The purpose of the present study is to review power with an approach to the divine political aspects. This approach entails a relative protection against political, economic, ethical, and … corruptions. The results of the study indicate opening a new horizon towards political power as many other approaches in this regard have been free from spirituality and morality. However, this research study associates power with spirituality, morality, and the divine names of God as a mystical discussion and also applies three concepts of dependency, substantiation, and assuming traits in explaining divine political power. Those in power shall not have this illusion that their political power is free from the power of God, but rather they should believe that human power is in line with the divine power. This outlook on power presents a relative protection against political corruption.

The purpose of the present study is to review the relationship between Islamic government and Ilhādi (heretical) governments from the view of the Qur’an. In this regard, the descriptive analytical method was used to determine who are the Kafirān (unbelievers) the relationship to whom is warned in the Qur’an. The results showed that the Qur’an just warns against any friendly relationship to the unbelievers who have adopted hostile approaches against the Islamic government and are regarded in the category of so-called enemy so everyone who has a different view and belief from Muslims is not enemy. Moreover, there is a substantive difference between the Mushrikān (polytheists) of early Islam who had animosity against Muslims’ beliefs, and the secular heretical governments in our time who do not consider religious beliefs in their relations to others. Of course, it is evident that any relation that leads to the hegemony of aliens (either people of the book or Mushrikān) over Islamic society is forbidden.

The purpose of the present study is to answer this main question that in drawing an outline of the relationship between justice and security based on the idea of Imam Khomeyni, what categories have high priority, low priority, or overlap? The method of study was qualitative and documentary and the results showed that justice is not contrary to security, but rather it is a realm for the emergence of political-social security. On the other hand, security should be a ground for spreading and expanding justice. In the idea of Imam Khomeyni, only a just government that has divine and ethical motivations based on spiritual and humanitarian values can establish security and reform the society. In contemporary history and based on the Ijtihādi approach of Imam Khomeyni, justice is among principles that leads to the humanitarian and reasonable existence of Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). He has focused on using this principle as a basis in both theory building and compatibility. Moreover, an overview of the ideas of Imam Khomeyni revealed many clues indicating that justice and security are compatible in his Islamic thought and practice.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the theoretical foundations of social security with an Islamic approach by the critical review of the texts in this regard. To this aim, the focus of the study is on the texts about social security with an Islamic approach and the relevant data were collected through documentary research. Besides, thematic analysis was used for the recognition of the main themes. According to the results, religious values were identified to be compatible with social identity and also the mental approach was prevalent as the most outstanding theme in social security with an Islamic approach. Furthermore, the positive, normative, individualistic, and evident rules-centered approaches were introduced to be the most important components in exiting the conceptual territory of social security. On the one hand, social security with an Islamic approach has denied the objective aspects of social security and on the other hand, it has overlooked the transformational concerns of society. Therefore, it has finally exited the conceptual territory of social security.

The purpose of the present study is to review the perspective of the Qur’an on the election/incumbency of women. In this regard, the religious references and texts based on the verses of the Noble Qur’an were analyzed using an analytical-critical method. The results indicate that women should have high political participation to maintain the Islamic government. The Noble Qur’an regards men and women from the same human essence and truth. The critical analysis of the Qur’anic arguments of the opponents of women’s competence for the presidential incumbency showed that the Qur’anic verses are not contradictory with the women’s governance. Besides, the Qur’anic arguments mentioned by the opponents of women’s governance are not by any means general and for all the time periods among humans and societies. With reference to some Qur’anic verses such as Princess Sabā’ as a successful ruler, it is implied that the Noble Qur’an does not forbid the presence of women in the social realm. The view of those who support women’s government with reference to the Qur’an conveys that there is no gender preference for men’s incumbency.

Using a genealogical and Ijtehādi method, the present study explores the ethics of candidacy -Tarshih- and its decency or indecency impact on the elections as a whole. The main purpose of raising this idea is to give awareness to some candidates who are obsessed with the illusion of deontology about the indecency of their candidacy in the election process. The results of the study shows that candidacy as a part of the election process in the religious ideology is not free from jurisprudential and ethical norms so every person who has an indecent motivation is not permitted to be nominated for a position. There are many traditions that forbid a human from seeking governance and it is interpreted as greed and acquisitiveness for this world. On the other hand, some other traditions that confirm this request are so cautious about the degradation of ethical values. Reflection on the arguments for Tarshih can make those candidates participating in the election process due to worldly incentives or lack of qualification withdraw and thereby prevent the presence of disqualified people in this civil issue.

The purpose of the present study is to identify and explain the documentaries about public interest in Shi’ite political Fiqh (jurisprudence) using a descriptive-analytical method. In this regard, the generic and particular documentaries about the principle of public interest involving the Qur’anic verses, traditions, Sirah (biography of the Prophet), and so on were surveyed. Furthermore, with a practical outlook on the principle of public interest, its regulations in politics were discussed. The results showed that common sense with emphasis on the purposefulness of Shari’at (religious guidelines of Islam), holds that the goal of Godly legislations is to provide public interests; and that Islam as a religion responding to all individual, social, and political issues, cares about changeable rules as well as material and spiritual interests and corruptions, in addition to the fixed rules. Besides, the study of documentaries about public interest determined its firm relation to the performance of Islamic government in solving political, security, and economic problems.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the relation between the Islamic revolution and the Islamic republic. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results showed that the Islamic revolution is a more generic concept than the Islamic republic. The Islamic republic government is a basis for the Islamic revolution but it is not confined to that because revolution is a divine demand that although was substantiated by the Iranian people and the Islamic republic, it is supposed to remain restricted in these structures. Islamic revolution is a right movement that was initiated but if the nation of Iran and the Islamic republic separates from this movement or exits this path it can never totally prevent this movement although it may decrease its speed. On the one hand, Shi’ite instructions of the Islamic revolution are as an insightful source for the Islamic republic, and on the other hand, Islamic republic is the least demanded by the Islamic revolution.

The present study is conducted by a descriptive-analytical method in the framework of tetra factors and it aims to answer what are the most important factors in accelerating the corporeal, formal, subjective, and ultimate aspects of the new Islamic civilization from the view of Ayatollāh Kāmeneii. The results convey that the most important accelerating factors for the creation of the new Islamic civilization in the ideas of the supreme leader are as the following: having faith, spirituality, rationality, and justice (corporeal factors); the prioritization of educational/ethical, scientific/educational, and nation-centered/collective structures in the new Islamic civilization (formal factors); educating a human who is aware about his historical state, responsible to his civil role, with enough power of will to create civilization, and is warrior and resistant to fulfill the goals of the new Islamic civilization (subjective factors); explaining, outlining, and introducing pure life and true felicity for human society in accordance with the Islamic goals (ultimate factors).

The purpose of the present study is to explain social and political functions f Namāz-e Jamā’at (Collective Prayer) with emphasis on the idea of soft power. In this regard a descriptive-analytical method was used to determine the concept of soft power and its components as well as social and political functions of Namāz-e Jamā’at with regard to the components of soft power and the role of Namāz-e Jamā’at in expanding the soft power of Islamic society. The results indicated that considering the conditions regarded for Namāz-e Jamā’at in Islam, it has an outstanding effect in fostering at least four components of the soft power: expanding the political value of justice, promoting social integrity and decreasing conflicts, improving social trust, and increasing religious knowledge and insight.

The purpose of the present study is to how Ayatollāh Seyed Ali Sistāni as the supreme Shi’ite leader in Iraq handled conflicts between the Iraqi Shi’ites and Sunnis after 2003. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results indicated that Ayatollāh Sistāni having understood the significance and sensitivity of the subject of Shi’ism and Sunnism and their conflicts from the beginning until today as well as the consequences of the disputes between these two great sects in Iraq and the region, called for the national and religious unity of the Iraqis. With regard to the accepted position of Ayatollāh Sistāni in Iraq, his penetration in his society, emphasis on national-religious integrity, and peaceful settlement of the disputes, we are witnessing a decrease in the bloodshed between the Shi’ites and Sunnis in Iraq. His unitarian dialogue has controlled ethnic-sectarian controversial grounds in Iraq.

The purpose of the present study is to answer how an Islamic government can make a friendly relationship with other states and at the same time sustain its dignity. The research relies on the hypothesis that determining the components of dignity in the international level such as not revealing the secrets and needs of the Islamic state, not adopting the Kuffar (unbelievers) as confidant, and also an analysis of the ways on how to make a friendly relationship with others for giving scientific, economic, and humanitarian services as well as cooperation with different governments in the fields of defense industry can present a model to substantiate friendship of hearts with non-Islamic governments and as result “improvement under the word of commonality” as a premise for advertising religion. The method of study is descriptive analysis and the results showed that dignity should involve persistence on the ideas of the one who has dignity. It means that the Islamic government should not easily give up its theological-political stand against the enemy such that other actors in the realm of international relations witness this stability and self-defense of the Islamic government. However, the Islamic government should not fall into the trap of overindulgence or underindulgence because the opposite country may raise tremendous inappropriate requests by overindulgence and make the Islamic state encounter security problems, and likewise, underindulgence may decrease the possibility of making an affectionate relationship with non-Muslim states.