پژوهش نامه ایرانی سیاست بین الملل
سال دهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 19، پاییز و زمستان 1400)

The aim of the present article is to clarify the roots of the anti-Western view in radical Islamism and to compare it with the alternative political ideology of the West in its totalitarian form (Marxism-Leninism). Comparison based on the reconstruction of the political theory of "Sayyid Qutb" is the most important theorist of radical Islamism in the contemporary era and "Vladimir Lenin" is the theorist of Marxism-Leninism. Despite all the differences, similar basic structures can be seen in these two theories and thinking: Human history is seen as a battle of life and death between good and evil, which in both theories of evil threatens human existence. he does. Among them are people who have a good character and have a mission or mission to save humanity from evil and ultimately realize the utopia of a classless society. Fighting and conflict in this process is natural and should be organized in order to purify society. He tried to follow the followers of the true belief. The conclusion of this article is that radical Islamism is not a pre-modern ideology, but rather it can be considered as an ideology that incites and encourages its followers by criticizing the liberal society, stating that these societies fulfill their main promise. That is freedom is failed. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical based on documentary-library sources.

The United States has played a complex and ambiguous role in European Union -Russia security relations since the end of the Cold War, especially under Obama and Trump. The United States is implicitly interfering in European Union -Russia security relations. Tensions and cooperation between the United States and Russia have had a significant impact on the European Union -Russia Security Challenges. The main question of the forthcoming research is how and by what mechanism has the United States influenced the European Union -Russia Security Challenges in the last two decades? The answer is that the United States is engaged in a Hybrid wafare with Russia, and has used the tools of Hybrid wafarefare to perpetuate and deepen the European Union -Russia Security Challenges (Ukraine crisis, EU enlargement and NATO enlargement). The method of the present study is documentary and data has been collected from related articles and books and has examined and analyzed the role of the United States in the European Union -Russia Security Challenges using the Theoretical framework of hybrid warfare Cullen & Kjennerud. The findings of the study suggest that the United States is continuing to contain Russia, using the tools of Hybrid wafarefare (intelligence, economic, political, military, and civilian) in the European Union -Russia Security Challenges (Ukraine crisis, EU enlargement, and NATO expansion) and the deepening of these challenges has had an impact. The most important US tools in the Hybrid wafare with Russia are intelligence, political and economic tools.

From the development perspective, the richest countries are the center of the aspirations of politicians, elites, investors, entrepreneurs and etc. Moreover, they are at the center of ordinary people's attention. The wealth linked to culture and geographical location can be the basis for positively projecting international and development ideas to increase the positive reputation of countries and their identity and cultural foundations and make them the center of global attention and attraction. The Scandinavian region is one of the places where the geography of wealth and its development have increased its positive perception. Norway is one of the countries in the region that today has a great attraction and popularity at the international level. Norway's name and branding carry the mental and perceptual processes that make this small country popular and attractive. The main focus of this paper is on the fundamentals of Norway's branding and positive reputation in the international system through cultural diplomacy tools. By describing the important actions and initiatives of Norwegian cultural diplomacy which planned through policymakers in a historical perspective, the paper emphasizes that Norway, despite its significant geopolitical weaknesses and small size, has been able to achieve a positive international branding and positive international reputation in the international system through the positive use of culture.  Policy-driven management and the proper use of open and tolerant Norwegian culture, which is part of Nordic culture, has increased Norway's attractiveness and positive perception at the international system.

After Soviet, the Russia's strategies had declined due to its internal challenges, and continued until the first decade of 21 century, but with occurring Arab Spring and appearance of Daesh in Middle East, there was another opportunity for Russian influence in the region and Its international position Revival. In this article, which was conducted with approach of neoclassical realism and with an explanatory-analytical method, the aim was to study strategic changes of Russian political-security and economic paradigm in post-daesh Middle East. findings showed that after a period of recovering internal power and solving inner governmental problems, the Russia has gradually expanded its relations with Middle East. The crisis in Syria and Iraq in second decade of 21 century opened the door for more military-security, political and economic influence for Russians, and in competition with West, they expanded their base and position in Middle East, as they reasserted themselves as a great power in international arena. after Daesh, Russia extended its influence more by expanding political-economic relations with Arab and non-Arab countries in Middle East and made Different coalitions and Security-advisory-military contracts and political- commercial agreements. The results showed that post-daesh Russia seeks to maintain its forces and weapons to establish military bases, and has desire more stable influence in competition with West and US hegemony for greater political-security and economic benefits in Middle East.

With the rise of China and its stable economic growth in the new millennium, the New Silk Road has caught eyes and thoughts as the most significant international initiative.  Indeed, One Belt One Road is the most ambitious megaproject, expressing China's will and capacity for external power projection. In the contemporary world, there are rare projects with a huge ramification for the transformation of international security and power arrangement within Iran's periphery, particularly Central Asia.  Within this context, the New Silk Road is an exceptional grand-strategy, affecting geopolitics of Central Asia, in particular, and Greater Eurasia, in general.  Central Asia has been geographically and historically the center of gravity of the Silk Road, controlling roads from China to Iran and the Middle East, as well as South Asia and Southern Russia. From this point of view, the present article shows the significance of Central Asia, Xinxiang and Afghanistan with a huge ramification in shaping trends of the new Silk Road.

Despite the over seven decades of Myanmar's independence, United Nations concerns and at the head of that Secretary-General have remained about the Rohingya Muslim minority. Deprivation of citizenship and lack of recognition as an ethnic-religious have always provided the context to apply discriminatory behavior based on violence, crime and human rights violations against this minority. Along with media reflection about this tragedy in the world and expectation of the United Nations to address this issue, UN Secretary-General has been constantly monitoring and reviewing the situation of the Rohingya people through appointing two special advisers consist of The Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide and The Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect. In this study, with the aim of reviewing the actions and measures had been taken against the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar and UN Secretary-General's reaction to it, the main question is that, what role has the UN Secretary-General played in the violent actions of the Myanmar government against the Rohingya minority during 2016 and 2017? In response, with using descriptive and analytical approach it is assumed that the United Nations Secretary-General with awareness of the unfair and inhuman conditions of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar over the past decades, has played a role in bringing global attention to the situation of Muslim Myanmar by adopting new approaches and new tools at the United Nations. The results of the research illustrate that, despite the efforts of the Secretary-General at the head of the UN Secretariat criminal acts against them have continued in 2016 and 2017.

US opposition to the Court culminated in the prosecution of Afghanistan situation. Many US soldiers were prosecuted by the ICC prosecutor, and the US therefore placed additional pressure on the Court. The pressure went so far that the Pre-Trial chamber did not consider continuing the prosecution of international crimes in Afghanistan in the interests of justice and ordered the investigation to be suspended. The ICC Prosecutor appealed against this issue. On 5 March 2020, the Appeals chamber of the ICC decided unanimously to authorize the Prosecutor to commence an investigation into crimes committed in Afghanistan. The present study, with a descriptive-analytical method, will first make a brief reference to the course of US actions against the ICC; Then, by reviewing and analyzing the verdict issued by the Preliminary chamber of the Court regarding the case of Afghanistan, the issue of whether the actions of the United State had an impact on the performance of the Court or not; Finally, the latest developments in Afghanistan situation will be reviewed in the ICC, and in particular in the Appeals chamber. eventually, according to recent rulings, the Court is currently in a high position in the confrontation between the Court and the United States, and the investigation into the alleged crimes has been authorized by US officials and forces, but this legal battle is still ongoing. Its fate is uncertain; Because, assuming that the investigation is completed by the prosecutor, the presence of US officials in the trial process is a matter of serious doubt, and on the other hand, a trial in absentia is not conceivable, and this will be another major challenge in this confrontation.

The ruling on jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation at the request of its prosecutor has a new achievement that has no precedent in the ICC jurisprudence. The prosecutor’s request for the ruling on jurisdiction is based on Article 19(3) of the Statute. However, the exercise of jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation is hampered by its non-membership in the ICC. But Pre-trial seek by establishing a connection between Articles 19(3) and 12(2)(a) of the Statute to provide a new achievement for all non-states party in the ICC, whose dimensions are important and one of the aims and subject of this article. The research method is descriptive-analytical and relies on the provisions of the Statute and the ICC’s jurisprudence to answer the main question of the research. The research question is what is the achievement of the ICC ruling on jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation for the international community? The findings show that the extension of the ICC jurisdiction from the Member State of Bangladesh’s territory to the non-member state of Myanmar’s territory is an achievement of the ruling on jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation, which has been missing in its jurisprudence. Accordingly, the criminal situation of states due to their non-membership in the ICC or non-referral of their situation by the UN Security Council is no longer beyond the ICC jurisdiction if the offense is committed in the ICC state party and non-state party’s territories. In these circumstances, the membership of one state has a positive effect on the non-membership of another state, and its criminal situation puts it before the ICC’s judges.

Changes in the post-ISIS Middle East and the emergence of new security threats have given Turkey a new understanding of its role in the regional and international environment, the focal point of which is strengthening through activation in the region and dynamics. New is international. Based on this new strategy, Turkey seeks to balance its foreign policy in the Middle East and the international environment. For this reason, it pursues the strategy of "both the West and the East" in its short and medium term in its foreign policy in order to become its main goal in the long run, which is to become an independent world power with Turkish-Islamic values. Using neo-realist theory and descriptive-analytical method, this study seeks to answer the question of what is Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the post-conflict Middle East? The research findings show that the components of Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the political field are reviewing in relation to ISIL, regionalism with a touch of internationalism, re-establishing relations with Syria, maintaining the balance of power with Iran and looking at Russia is seeking to regain its regional role in the Middle East. In the economic field, the policy is the stabilization of energy resources and the development of regional and international economic cooperation. In the cultural field, it seeks to strengthen soft power and expand its influence in the Middle East.

Defense diplomacy has bourn with military power, which must use it in diplomacy in times of war and peace. Due to the international system's turn into a complex and chaotic pattern, power as the central dynamic of defense diplomacy has changed to a networked model. Structural, process, construction, and algorithmic complexity are the main defining features of it. With the emergence of nonlinear international systems and related theoretical debates, the International Relations literature has severe backwardness in explaining defense diplomacy's analytical apparatus. Therefore this fundamental question has been raised as the present study's direct engagement: how the defense diplomacy analytical apparatus conceptually will be reconstructed based on the Principles and foundations of complex and chaotic systems theory. In response to this question, and using the abduction method, which emphasizes the emerging facts and finding the best explanation for them, this article presents multi-layered network defense diplomacy as an innovative concept in the international relations literature. This concept envisions it as a multi-layered network with a core consisting of unit-based control systems. Other control systems that will deploy on these are support systems. All these form a single control system with a functional linkage between its layers, which operates in a hybrid model.

In recent years, unilateral act of States has expanded for a variety of reasons. In parallel with this development, international case law and doctrine have increasingly become confronted with the conceptual and practical challenges of these acts. One of these challenges is the base of State’s commitment to their unilateral acts. In this context, the question arises that unlike the bilateral or multilateral acts, which are crystallized in the form of international treaties and in which the commitment of each state is based on the commitment of the other party, in the absence of either party, on what basis is the obligation arising from unilateral act made and with what justification is it recognized as binding. This paper, while examining all the theories presented to response the above questions, shed light on disagreement between the ICJ and the ILC, has tried to adapt these theories to the existing case law and state practices. The findings of this paper confirm that among these multiple theories, the theory of the will of the state is the most defensible theory due to the transcendental position of the state in the structure of international law.

This paper is aimed at exploring the most fundamental step for the implementation of initiatives based on the idea of endogenous security in the Persian Gulf, including the Hormoz Peace Endeavor (HOPE). Therefore, the main question is: “What is the most important fundamental step in implementing the HOPE?”. Since the implementation of the HOPE requires weakening of the durable patterns of amity and enmity intertwined with enmity between Iran and the GCC, the hypothesis says: “Improving Tehran-Riyadh bilateral relations is the most fundamental step in implementing the HOPE”. This research is descriptive-analytical and an inferential methodology is utilized to analyze the findings. The conceptual framework has also been formed through applying the Balance of Threat (BoT) theory to the Regional Security Complex theory. While completing the hypothesis, the findings show that, first, the existence of at least some degree of security convergence between Tehran and Riyadh is necessary to implement any security model based on the idea of endogenous security in the Persian Gulf. And second, since Saudi Arabia has no incentive to implement endogenous security initiatives in the region, Tehran can achieve the minimum necessary requisites for security convergence with this country, through establishing an agreement with Riyadh on some areas of influence in the Middle East.

The main purpose of this article is to study the backgrounds and reasons for Iran's new Eurasianism in Rouhani era and to analyze the goals and requirements of this policy. The previous strategy, called "Looking East" did not have clear achievements for some reasons, including inaccurate understanding of Eurasian trends and powers, little consensus, politicization, and anti-Americanization. It was largely a response to US pressure. Although this pressure is still an important variable in Iran's neo-Eurasianism, efforts have been made to address these problems and to take an active approach to adapt to new dynamics in Eurasia and the international arena. This article examines the theoretical and practical aspects of Iran’s neo-Eurasianism with a qualitative-systemic method, considering the interaction of variables, agents and various issues at regional and international levels in the framework of "new intergovernmentalism". Avoiding politicization, trying to moderate pressure rather than confronting the US, greater domestic consensus, multivectoral approach, emphasis on geoeconomics rather than geopolitics and a comprehensive rather than limited view are major characteristics of Iran's new Eurasianism in the Rouhani era. As a result, the paper emphasizes that while US pressure as a "coercive" factor is important in the Iran’s neo-Eurasianism, the "selective" effort to adapt to growing international and Eurasian developments is also a significant variable in shaping this policy.

Iran's military presence in Oman and Syria over the past half-century has been seen as a sign of growing regional power and influence in Iran's foreign policy. This article seeks to answer the question of why Iran was involved in the crises of the two Arab countries of Oman and Syria during the last half century, and what has this military presence achieved for Iran's national interests? To find this answer, documentary data, reliable sources and documentary methods, post-event analysis and comparative methods have been used. Findings show that despite the essential differences between the international system and the ruling political regime in Iran in the last half century, Iran's military presence in the territory of the Kingdom of Oman and the Syrian Arab Republic was to free Iran from geopolitical siege. Using the teachings of the theory of realism and the concept of offensive defense, the article shows that the achievement of Iran's overseas presence in the Oman crisis was to prevent endangering energy security and the threat of the spread of communism in the Persian Gulf region. Iran's military presence in the Syrian crisis also significantly neutralized the geopolitical threat of Salafi radicalism in the West Asian region, in addition to preserving Iran's territorial integrity.