مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال سیزدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 70، تابستان 1401)

The arrival of modernity in Iran has been accompanied by several challenges, In the face of modernity, Iranian society has been concerned with preserving its indigenous identity.The challenges of the last century in Iran show that Iranian society has not had a problem with modernity Rather, it was at odds with the altruistic ideology that overshadowed modern thought. With the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the confrontation between tradition and modernity, which was considered a historical heritage, also showed itself.Each of the post-revolutionary statesmen became hostile to the pro-Western ideology due to the requirements of the revolution. But with modernity and the Faustian machine, modern development not only had no problem, but also played a role as the driving force of modernity. The leading article seeks to highlight the post-revolutionary Iranian governments in advancing modern development Despite ideological conflicts with the pro-Western ideology, which manifested itself in hostility to the West. In order to prove the above claim in a descriptive and analytical way, this article has also used the combined theoretical model of Faust Goethe, Lacan's instructor and Habermas's biological world.

this paper examines the narrative reading of an introduction of Tanbih al-Ummah wa Tanzih al-Milla (the admonition of people and the refinement of Sharia), the celebrated book written by Mohammad Hossein Naini (1862-1937) with using theoretical possibilities given by the concepts of the Narrative and the Imagination. The starting point of this research is the unbreakable linkage between history -as a dynamic plot of events and conceptions not as a chronological browse of historical events- and political thought. In this vein, the role of the element of imagination in the predicative assimilation/plot between events and concepts, on one hand, and between philosophical and jurisprudential concepts, on the other hand, is discussed. The main question is how the relationship between the imagination force and the logical/reasoning force in the text of the above book. Regarding this, the main assumption focuses on the priority of the imagination force over the rational force in the light of some concepts such as the productive imagination, plot, imitation, and metaphor in Paul Ricoeur's thought and the concept of social imagination in Charles Taylor's thought. This vital issue is discoverable through the dissection of concepts that Naini used in the introduction of his book.

The Arabs with the new spiritual force of Islam, despite claiming to be a world religion and independent of ethnicity, tribe, nation and race, after many conquests claimed special ethnic groups and tribes. Boasting about this, they claimed that they had a divine mission. According to this claim, they said that they should spread this identity in other lands as well, including the territory of Iran. After the conquest of Iran and the consolidation of their power, the Arabs (especially the Umayyads) used various strategies to dominate and exercise power over the Iranians; Such as the threat of the use of coercive means, the persuasive effects of speech, economic inequalities, the use of more or less complex means of control. Based on this, the question that this research wants to answer is what was the type and manner of Umayyad domination over the Iranians and what tools did they use for this domination? To answer this question, we have used the method of Michel Foucault's historical genealogy. While explaining the different strategies of the Umayyads for domination and exercising power over the identity of Iranians, we have tried to refer to both the events of discourse and non-discourse actions for this domination and exercise of power.

This study is going to analyze the productive power of Foucault from a discursive viewpoint and investigate its role in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In Foucault’s view, the productivity of power is the form of making establishment. Foucault equals power with act and practice; so, he places power analyses instead of power theory. Once power produces knowledge and discourse, it can be turned to practice. In fact, without establishing truth regime, that is discourse, power cannot be crystalized in practice. Power can become subjugation, domination, normalization or the Hegemone power of life. It makes discourse in order to create subject and object.  Implementing this policy in the postmodern era requires power, knowledge and exercising a Hegemone discourse for establishing a truth regime in the international system. This study is going to answer the question that how Iran’s foreign policy could efficiently use power and discourse in an optimal way to reach its maximal interests? The recognition of the power and knowledge relations in this era, discourse applying the genealogy and archeology elements and the understanding of Michel Foucault of discourse is what this writing is organized around.

The Discourse of the Shiaa Political Jurisprudential Islam in Iran in its miscellaneous history has tried to converge the concrete world of the Muslims to the political study of the sacred text. However, the salient point here traces back to the auto-position of knowledge/power regimes in this discourse, which epitomizes the association between constant principles with the variable concrete affairs. In fact, such interactions demonstrate the influence and penetration of the regime of knowledge in this discourse i.e. Shiaa political jurisprudence and its ensuing implications, in continuation, demolition, or reconfiguration of “Power Institutions” in Iran’s history in each era. Accordingly, the current survey aims to shed light on the “Institutional Rupture” in the history of this discourse, rather than “Epistemic Rupture” to attribute the historical changes of this discourse to encounter of regime of knowledge to the inadequacy of applied political institutions. To do so, this article has adopted the Vivien Schmidt’s discursive institutionalism as its method and genealogy/archeology of Foucault to retrieve the epistemic stability of the Discourse of the Shiaa Political Jurisprudential Islam up to the objectification of its nodal point, i.e. “guardianship of jurisconsult” from Safavid Dynasty up to Islamic Revolution.

The present research has a main concern and it is to study the relation of consent and obedience from the viewpoint of the question of law. In a political theory like Locke’s, there is a fundamental complexity and that is believing in free equal men while justifying law as something which requires obedience. For Locke, law is the place of balance of consent and obedience. On this basis Locke tries to show that law is something of the kind of contract in which people consent to be subjects of a politico-legal order. According to Locke, human being is an entity which has self-governing in a fundamental way. In political society, this capacity appears in the Legislative and therefore it is the basis of political society. Hence Locke places the Legislative at the top of the political order. However, there are limits and conditions that shouldn’t be exceeded or violated by law and the Legislative. On the other side, although law should always be in the direction of public good, what makes law valid and legitimate is the bond of law and people’s consent. The lack of the bond abolishes the legality of law. There can be drawn no distinction between a law without consent and command of a bandit. So patriarchal expediency and discerning the good of the people are not sufficient grounds to justify law and political subjection.

Theoretical evolution in international relations is one of the important topics in the knowledge of international relations. In examining theoretical developments, the central issue is how to create new theories, create scientific debates between theories, and ultimately the emergence of different or conflicting theories. The introduction of the concept of civilization into the knowledge of international relations and the emergence of two readings of civilization have revealed the civilizational analysis of international relations in two different approaches. One approach considers civilization as a fixed and static "state", and the other approach considers civilization as a "process". The common feature of both approaches is that they both acknowledge the context-oriented nature of the theory and accept civilization as a level of analysis and a political category, but their difference lies in providing a different definition of the nature of civilization, the international system and Analytical outputs of civilization application are as a level of analysis. The hypothesis of the current research is that the existence of two conflicting approaches to civilization in international relations has shaped a civilizational debate in international relations and it seems that international relations is on the verge of the emergence of a civilizational theory. In this research, an attempt is made to provide a clear picture of this debate and a meta-analysis of the requirements of international relations theory by referring to the texts and meta-analysis of the generated data using the descriptive-analytical method.

Strategic culture as a cohesive system of symbols that creates long-term and pervasive strategic preferences through the formulation of concepts and maps and the effectiveness of military forces in political affairs between states. In view of this hypothesis, the authors of the present work seek to answer the fundamental question of how China's strategic culture appendages build constructive convergent and divergent policies in the East Asian country by studying and evaluating Chinese criteria, sources, and documents related to the category of strategic culture. Has it affected Iran?

On April 8, 2019, the Trump administration put the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps(IRGC) on the list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations(FTO) by publishing a fact sheet. Although this action of the Trump administration can be analyzed with different theoretical frameworks, in this research critical terrorism studies(CTS) has been chosen for the purpose of critical analysis of this action. CTS is a critical orientation or perspective that tries to maintain its ontological, epistemological and methodological distance from the common and prevailing prejudices in the mainstream of terrorism studies(TS). The methodology of this research is based on the method of "Immanent Critique"(as a qualitative method) along with the use of valid statistics(as a quantitative method). Therefore, this study seeks to answer the main question that "Using critical terrorism studies(CTS), how is the action of the Trump administration in placing the name of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in the list of foreign terrorist organizations(FTO) evaluated?" , presents the hypothesis that "by using the CTS as a theoretical framework and using the method of "Immanent Critique" along with the reliable statistics of western Think Tanks, will extract shortcomings and contradictions of placing the designating the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps(IRGC) as a Foreign Terrorist Organization(FTO) by examining the definition provided by The concept of "terrorism" mentioned in Section 2656f (d) (2) of Title 22 of the United States Code and it has been shown It is given that even according to this definition, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is not a terrorist organization and for four reasons borrowed from critical terrorism studies(CTS), this action is merely a political labeling.

Climate Change is an Objective, Global, Actor-Less and non-Governmental Security Threat that is Fundamentally Different from Past Threats. The Main Research Question was what are the Effects of Climate Change on International Security? Our Hypothesis was that Climate Change has Transformed the Concept of Security, Created More and Bigger Security Risks and Threats, and with the Increase of its Consequences, Security at the Global Level and in Different Dimensions of Political, Social, Economic and Human Security is more than ever. Based on the Findings, It should be Said that due to Climate Change, there is no Safe Place in the World Today, and Various Forms of Security at the Individual, National and International Levels are Facing Challenges and Threats. Climate Changes Intensify Existing Security Threats and Make them more Dangerous, and New Aspects of Insecurity, such as Food or Environmental Insecurity, Threaten more People. Consequently, no Limited Legal Agreement or Climate Action of One or Few Countries can Eliminate its Effects, and Global Governmental and Public Cooperation is Essential. The Current Research is Written in an Explanatory Way, Using the Security Theory of the Copenhagen School, Especially the Opinions of Barry Buzan.