نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 37 (تابستان 1401)

The purpose of the present study is to review the perspective of Mullā Sadrā about justice in the realm of politics and society with an epistemological approach to transcendental wisdom and mysticism. This research dealt with political justice from the view of names and it studied three names of al-'Adl, al-Moqset, and al-Halim. All three names with triplet concepts of belonging, substantiation, and creation were researched. The research method was descriptive-analytic and the results indicated that Sadrā, according to his transcendental philosophy, considers the universe to be the act of God and that the world qualities indicate attributes and features of the act of God and the excellent system. Therefore, we should be satisfied with the divine act as it is the basis of justice.

Statesmanship has always been formed based on either domination, or testaments, or consensus. The purpose of the present study is to assess the proportion between each of the above principles and the principle of justice. The issue under study is: which method has state legitimacy based on the principle of divine justice? By using descriptive analysis and searching through epistemic data in Islamic Kalām, and also recognizing aspects and features of domination, testaments, and consensus based on historic, political, and legal ideas and reports, it can be asserted that domination by any means can give legitimacy to a government just in case kingdom from God as the divine destiny is accepted and that admittance of that is the result of faith and obedience to God. State legitimacy based on testament relies on the hypothesis that statesmanship is regarded as the transferable right of a prince. The principle of justice considers any cruel command invalid and illegitimate. Imposing a state and a leader on people based on domination or inheritance is great tyranny due to independent reasons. Therefore, the necessity of establishing a state based on people's votes results from the principle of divine justice and that ignoring public opinion and imposing a state by either force or deceit violates the principle of justice.

The present study with the purpose of achieving anthropological principles of resistance, aims to answer this question using a semantic method what is Imam Mousā Sadr's interpretation of Islamic theology in order to form the concept of resistance? It seems that he offers a humanistic interpretation of Islamic theology in which mankind as the central word, in relation to other words such as dignity, development, faith, and citizenship, creates a circle that has resistance in its semantic magnitude. By presenting a contemporary perception of Islamic theology evolved in the multicultural social context of Lebanon, he designed a network of concepts in which resistance can be studied in terms of both the Islamic classic ideology as well as the new concept of resistance.

The purpose of the present research is to study the reference of security in the Shāhnāmeh. In this regard, by using a descriptive-analytic method and analysis of poems in the Shāhnāmeh, based on the theoretical framework and the theory of two natures by Imam Khomeini, this study aims to search about the reference of security in the Shāhnāmeh of Ferdowsi. The results indicate that Ferdowsi has wisely commented about all social, cultural, and political issues such as security and that his viewpoints can be useful in security challenges. The reference of security in the worldly schools relies on regime, society, and people but in the transcendental school, it is defined and determined based on Islam. According to Shari'at, Ferdowsi refers to three references of security in the Shāhnāmeh including religion, country, and good king.

Freedom has been one of the most important concepts in the last two recent centuries. By the formation of the constitutional movement, this concept turned into one of the axes of political dispute and in this regard, Sheykh Fazl ol-Lāh Nouri, considering his constitutionalist ideology, recognized that against religion. Some decades later, by the formation of juristic and political Islam, one of its important concepts was still “freedom”. Āyat ol-Lāh Mesbāh Yazdi has some reflections upon this concept and the present research deals with this main research: what are the differences and similarities between the perception of Sheykh Fazl ol-Lāh Nouri and Āyat ol-Lāh Mesbāh Yazdi in this regard? The method of research is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that some important instances of freedom such as freedom of speech that was significantly important during the constitutional period, are rejected in the intellectual system of Sheykh Fazl ol-Lāh Nouri and in his view, freedom is manly regarded “in contrast” with religion and “opposite” to that. Āyat ol-Lāh Mesbāh Yazdi recognizes freedom as liberation from devotion to the tyrant and worship of no one except God. Similar to Sheykh Fazl ol-Lāh Nouri, he does not admit freedom in its western and liberal meaning but just accepts it within the framework of Islamic system and in this second point, he is different from Sheykh Fazl ol-Lāh Nouri.

The purpose of the present research is to review the themes of hope, resistance, and freedom in the poems of Hāfez and Shāmlou. Statement of the problem focused in this research is: what political-social concepts were considered by the two well-known Iranian poets (Hāfez from the classic period and Shāmlou from the contemporary era having two different poetry styles) as fundamental and what perception did they present of those concepts? The research relies on the hypothesis that from the view of Hāfez and Shāmlou, fundamental concepts constructing a society involve "hope", "resistance", and freedom" and that the poet's duty in presenting hopeful elements is to encourage the community to resist, fight, and attempt for bringing about freedom in society. In this regard, using Victoria Alexandre's reflection theory, the outlook of the two above-mentioned poets on their society back then was analyzed, relying on fundamental political concepts of "hope", "resistance", ' and freedom". The findings of the present research show that both poets are idealist, reformist, and concerned about society and that their poetry is not merely abstract and imaginary, but rather social change and transformation matter to them.

The purpose of the present study is to review and explain development and dynamism of Shi'ite jurisprudential tradition from the view of political rights. The research method is descriptive-analytic and by using Alasdair Maclntyre's view about procedures of transformation in intellectual traditions, it has distinguished three stages of change in Shi'ite jurisprudential tradition in terms of public political rights: Most theories in Soltāni Fiqh emphasize on the guardianship of Mujtahedin or the authority of just kings and they do not pay much attention to public political rights. Upon the crisis in the royal system and constitutional movement, its theoretical backup needed epistemic reconstruction and therefore, constitutional Fiqh for solving this epistemic crisis, in addition to the authority of kings and canonical guardianship of Mojtahedin, emphasized on public political rights and people's participation in power. The third transformation in Shi'ite political Fiqh is related to contemporary theories which negate the legitimacy of royal systems and emphasize on "people'' and their political rights and freedom. Therefore, the results show that jurisprudential-political tradition of Shi'ites in terms of public political rights has changed from authoritarianism to democracy.

The purpose of the present study is to review political and social backgrounds behind the formation of "religious state" in the political philosophy of Imam Khomeini. In this regard, the books of Kashf al-Asrār (1941) and Wilāyt-e Faqih (1961) written by Imam Khomeini were studied using a historic-analytic method. The results show that in both books under study, the legitimacy of the religious state has been formed based on Wilāyat-e Faqh. Imam Khomeini in Kashf al-Asrār, relying on the principle of necessity of continuation of the political guardianship of the Prophet (PBUH), follows the identity of religious state through the parliament of founders, whereas in Wilāyt-e Faqih, he explains the principle of Wilāyat-e Faqih and formation of religious state based on leadership of a just and jurist who meets all the expectations. In other words, the political philosophy of Imam Khomeini has changed during two decades from a "constitutional" path to a "revolutionary" approach.

The purpose of the present study is to review principles and methods of good governance in the Islamic revolution with an approach to the idea of the Supreme Leader. In this regard, the compatibility of this idea is compared to the current governance method in the Islamic revolution and the ideology of Wilāyt-e Faqih. The method of study is content analysis and the results indicate that the contents and components written in the theory of good governance are not in contradiction with the ideas of the Supreme Leader, but rather the theory of good governance in his view is based on some principles which can be achieved through self-improvement, society-improvement, and government-improvement. This issue can lead the Islamic Republic in the second step of the Islamic revolution to a more favorable and efficient place.

The purpose of the present study is to review structural adjustment discourse, political expansion, its effects and consequences, and also principles and components of the Islamic-Iranian development from the view of Āyatollāh Khāmene'i. The Islamic-Iranian dialogue of development in the cultural context of Iranian society aims to present an indigenous model of expansion. By using an analytic-explanatory method, it was shown that lack of correspondence between the western dialogue of development and the social and cultural context of Iranian society and its failure made Āyatollāh Khāmene'i criticize this dialogue and by raising the Islamic-Iranian model of development in the framework and mentality of Islamic-Iranian culture and identity, he sought to give identity and meaning to the dialogue of development in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The series of arguments for Iranian-Islamic development have identity, semantic and symbolic structure and originate from Islamic and Iranian culture and identity. This dialogue, in addition to building identity and giving meaning, seeks to attribute otherness to the west as a tool to oppose that, distance from that, and redefine identity territories.

The purpose of the present research is to study the correlation between female political identity and political participation in Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytic and the theoretical approach of Turner, Marshall, and Adams in relation to the subject of identity has been used. Also, the theory of Bart & Smith was used to explain identity frameworks and women’s activities based on gender and gender identity. The main research question explores: what is the effect of background variables such as age, education, occupation, marital state, and personal identity on women’s political participation in Iranian society? The research relies on the hypothesis that background variables are the main causes for the formation of identity and have the sufficient potential to be effective on the process of participation in election and political activity. In general, the results indicate that gender and identity gender have a positive impact on political participation in Iran.

The purpose of the present study is the analysis of the economic discourse executed in Rohwhani’s government. The main research question is: what factors contributed to the economic discourse turning from a neo-liberal interactionist into a resistance economy during the presidency of Mr. Rowhāni? The research hypothesis is that turning from a neo-liberal interactionist economic discourse into a resistance economy was under the influence of failure in JCPOA and the US withdrawal from the deal. Data analysis method in this research was based on Foucauldian and post-Foucauldian discourse analysis. In addition to referring to Iran’s economic discourses after the Islamic revolution, the causes of adopting a neo-liberal interactionist discourse by Rowhāni’s government was discussed in this research. The results of the study show that since the international system, especially its major actors such as the USA, Europe, Russia, China, and a group of Hebrew and Arabic countries in the region did not accompany with the economic decisions of Iran, the ideas of Rahāni’ cabinet in the foreign policy could not be executed.

“Justice” and “convergence” are two valuable political-social categories with a cause-effect correlation assumed between them. “Convergence” as a necessity for social life and the main cause for a leading society in the path of growth and development is the result of “justice”. The main idea of this article is that teleologist “justice” plays an effective role in creating “convergence” in the Muslim world; while naturalist justice not only does not have sufficient potential to create and expand convergence but also sometimes brings about divergence in especially Islamic communities. The results show that true justice, which is inclined to the source and resurrection and is confirmed by the Qur’an, is not achieved through forcing convergence and neglecting differences but rather it can be obtained relying on commonalities, justice seeking, and pluralism. Therefore, true justice should be considered as the basis and cause of convergence to establish religious civilization and avoid waste of forces, talents, resources, and facilities.

The purpose of the present study is to answer this main question: how and by which means can international institutions be effective on national governance in the countries? The research method is descriptive-analytic and it seems that international institutions can change the condition of human development in countries by enforcement and representation of legal procedures so they can improve the condition of governance in those countries. In this research, the judgments of the International Court of Justice were reviewed as a case study and the results showed that the verdicts of the court make the governments committed to fundamental human rights in front of the whole international society. Recognition of the right to self-determination of peoples and self-preservation as precious findings are considered important among the verdicts of the court. The role of the court in expanding and stabilizing these regulations is undoubtedly one of the most outstanding instances of its support from human development. From the perspective of the court, enforcement of these rules at the time of peace is even more essential than when there is war and this can lead to the betterment of governance.

The purpose of the present research is to study conflicting identities in the Middle East. In this regard, a descriptive-analytic method was used to answer this question: Who are the effective identity groups in the Middle East and what role have they played in internationalization of identity conflicts there? The results reveal that with the onset and expansion of identity conflicts, each of regional and international actors in the Middle East have sought to reach their hegemonic purposes in the region using identity issues and groups and that this subject leads to marginalization and sometimes omission of regional rivals. On the other hand, the expansion of conflicting fundamentalist identities conveys a sort of reclamation and an attempt to obtain the interests that were ignored for years due to altruist and authoritarian governments and discrimination to other identities in the process of defective nation-state building. Marginalization or omission of other identity groups in authoritarian countries with the approach of giving priority to a certain ethnic group, race, or religion are some of the major causes of radicalization of protests in the countries which usually associate with regional and global competitions too.

The purpose of the present study is to recognize methods of reaching political stability in Iraq since the fall of Saddām Hussein, especially after the defeat of ISIS. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and it is based on the theory of "consensus democracy". The results indicate that the weakness of national and civil identity, domination of tribal culture on political and social life, dependence of some movements on foreign powers, and the tendency of powers to impose their political influence are among challenges in the way of consensus democracy and political stability in the country which can lead to ethnic and tribal violence in political competitions. However, with the defeat of ISIS, the management foundations of ethnic and religious society in Iraq are being strengthened through the balance of multilateral forces between Kurds, Shi'ites, and Sunnis. Continuation of parliamentary election, freedom and peaceful coexistence of Shi'ite, Sunni, and Kurd parties, the non-partisan and tolerant role of Āyatollāh Sistāni, Parliament as the most important institution to build up consensus, the balanced constitution relying on democratic tendencies, relative division of power between Kurds, Shi'ites, and Sunnis are all signs of gradual formation of consensus democracy that little by little can overcome violence and disorder and approach political stability.

The purpose of the present study is to analyze political-security relations between Iran and Turkey in the light of transformations in Syria (2010-2019). The research method is descriptive-analytic and the theory of defensive realism (threat balance) was used. The results showed that transformations in Syria during 2010 to 2019 have changed the political-security relations between Iran and Turkey. After transformations in Syria and the emergence of extremist groups with regard to the explained criteria in the research, the relationship between Iran and Turkey changed from a competitive and mild approach (2002-2010) to a threatening orientation (since 2010 until now) and it entered a new phase. Due to Iran's support from the chain of resistance and one of its rings, that is Syria, and also Turkey's membership in western-Arabic frontier to knock down Syria, Iran and Turkey change their approach and perspective in this term.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the relationship between globalization and civilization-government. In this regard, a descriptive-analytic method was used to study distinctions between civilization government and national government so it was shown that a civilization government has the potential to enjoy benefits of globalization using existing pluralities. It seems that in both networking and competition fields, civilization governments have more usefulness and practicality compared to national governments in the state of globalization and that many countries have the possibility to establish a civilization government. By discovering the commonalities between agents in the realm of foreign policy, a civilization-government has more potential to follow up its purposes and interests. Civilization government stems from civilization identity so within the domestic realm, it has been able to design a coherent whole out of various internal pluralities. Contrary to national governments that rely on limited aspects of identity, civilization government is based on civilization identity and can have more extensive activity in the foreign policy by the civilization credit it has acquired throughout history.