فصلنامه رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 62 (بهار 1402)

"Friendship" is one of the prominent categories in the history of political thought. The conducted researches have mainly been the investigation of the theoretical views of thinkers in this field in previous and contemporary texts. The study of this category has been neglected in the political thought of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the governments that emerged from it. One of the central claims of the Islamic Revolution is to create an atmosphere of friendship, respect for human dignity and non-discrimination, which is emphasized in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and governments are obliged to fulfill it. But examining the views of the governments emerging from the revolution has shown ambiguity in dealing with this claim. Therefore, the aim of the research is to address the question of how Seyyed Mohammad Khatami, as the head of the reformist government, looked at creating an atmosphere of friendship in Iran's pluralistic society. In response to the research question, using Schleiermacher's interpretative approach, as well as document studies, Khatami's view has been evaluated. The results of this research, which are evaluated based on the indicators of human equality, difference, acceptance of others, responsibility towards others, forgiveness and hope for friendship in Derrida's theoretical system, show that Khatami's view is close to Derrida's politics of friendship and from the model of friendship. Pseudo Derrida has followed.

The subject of this research is to examine the role and position of distributive justice in the process of legislation and the development of civil rights in Iran. The main question of the article is what effect did the component of distributive justice have on the legalization process in Iran's civil rights. The research hypothesis is that distributive justice is one of the main components of building a structurally just society, and in the meantime, the structure of rights is one of the most important areas that must have a fair basis, and in this regard, several parts of Iran's civil rights By paying attention to the criteria and rules of distributive justice, it has been formulated and legislated, which can institutionalize justice in Iranian society. By examining and clarifying the foundations and definitions of distributive justice, this research has examined this criterion in two fields of civil rights, including inheritance laws, and labor laws, and employer-labor relations, and with a short study of their historical course and philosophy Their legislation has come to the conclusion that these areas of civil rights are regulated by paying attention to the rule of implementation of distributive justice in the society. According to the findings of this research, the principles of distributive justice are involved in the legislative philosophy of these areas and have been taken into consideration by the legislator. In this sense, the legal rules derived from these laws can be a basis for the fair distribution of resources and opportunities, so that the social structure develops in such a way that citizens cannot lose fair living opportunities. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical qualitative and the library data collection method.

Among the most important tasks of the Court of Administrative Justice after the Islamic Revolution is the interpretation of ordinary laws in the field of administrative law, which is crystallized in the processes and mechanisms of this institution and is in line with the realization of administrative justice, which is the main goal of this institution. take An ideal that connects judgment with social and political matter. In the present research, on the one hand, the necessity of forming the Administrative Court of Justice and the jurisdiction of this institution has been investigated, and on the other hand, in the executive field of interpretation of normal laws, according to the governing principles, how this implementation has been analyzed. At first glance, it seems that the Court of Administrative Justice is still limited to the general principles of judicial supervision, i.e. legality and departure from jurisdiction, and pays less attention to modern principles related to making administrative decisions. Nevertheless, the mechanisms of interpretation of normal laws in the field of administrative law indicate the efficiency of the Administrative Court of Justice. The results of the research show that the Court of Administrative Justice, according to its existential philosophy in the constitution and also based on its many experiences in practice, has been able to continuously interpret ordinary laws and the principles governing this interpretation. based on the principle of seeking justice. The research method in this article is data collection based on the library method and analysis of these data.

After the constitutional revolution and the failure to create a powerful central government, Iranian intellectuals from the 1290s onwards supported the emergence of Reza Khan by presenting new ideas and emphasizing absolute modernism. Less than four decades later, another generation of intellectuals during the 1940s and 1950s played an irreplaceable role in the social mobilization against the Pahlavi government with an intellectual turn from Westernism to traditionalism. The aim of the present study is to analyze the reason for the intellectual turn of Iranian intellectuals from Westernism to traditionalism in the middle of two revolutions. Therefore, in response to the reason for the intellectual turn of Iranian intellectuals, this hypothesis is investigated that the intellectuals of the 1290s in response to the constitutional failure and the intellectuals of the 1340s in response to the absolute modernism of the West chose two different approaches, Westernism and traditionalism. In this research, the hypothesis has been proved by taking advantage of the inherent characteristic of intellectuals and explaining their origin in the middle of two revolutions. The current research is of the "descriptive-analytical research" type in terms of implementation method and it has used library studies to collect information and data.

In this article, using the opinions of Nikos Poulanzas in the form of the Marxist structuralist theoretical framework and the relationship between the frameworks of power and political activism, the problem of the relationship between democracy and partisanship in the attitude and practice of Hashemi Rafsanjani Rafsanjani from the political fighters before the revolution and from the rulers after The revolution is examined with an analytical-critical approach and this question is also addressed. How is the approach and activities of Rafsanjani Hashemi Rafsanjani in two phases of being in the first level of the official power of the country and the unofficial level of power analyzed? The main hypothesis of the research is that Hashemi Rafsanjani, as a political activist belonging to the power block in the post-revolutionary political system, has shown two types of activism in relation to parties and democracy. At a time when he was at the first level of the country's official power, due to fulfilling the interests of the dominant revolutionary class, he limited the fields of partisanship and providing democracy in the country, and when he was outside the official power due to political and ideological reasons. has tried to influence the ruling class and the official power block of the country by supporting the process of partisanship and expanding the fields of democracy.

The topic of this research is to examine the ratio of science in the concept of Imam Mobeen in the Holy Quran and the Shia and Sunni interpretations of it and its comparison with science in the concept of Imam Khomeini's theory of jurisprudence and in it an attempt has been made to answer this question. What is the relationship between Imam Mobeen and science in Imam Khomeini's theory of jurisprudence? The primary hypothesis of this research is based on the proposition that the examination of various verses, narrations and interpretations, especially Shiite interpretations, shows that in the theory of Imam Khomeini's Wilayat, science is the overseer of the nobles and the mastery of the jurist over the chapters of jurisprudence, and it should preferably be a person who In this context, it has knowledge and is different from the knowledge included in the concept of Imam Mobeen, which is based on divine knowledge and transmitted from the Prophet to the infallible Imams. The current research has tried to investigate this issue with the descriptive-analytical method and based on the data collected in the documentary method. The results of the research show that the science of Wali Faqih is different from the science included in the concept of Imam Mobin and is below it. The knowledge of Wali Fiqh is acquired and gradual, related to the appearances of Muslims and not their homelands, and is aimed at organizing their public and socio-political sphere, but the knowledge of the innocent person (PBUH) is inherent to them, related to the appearances and homelands of Muslims, and is focused on the individual-personal sphere. and their public space. In the same way, the knowledge of the jurist is completely different from the knowledge included in the concept of Imam Mubeen

Today, special economic zones are on the agenda of governments as one of the policy tools to attract investment, support production and develop exports and imports. Basically, these areas were created with the aim of attracting foreign direct investment and facilitating the process of transferring emerging technologies and supporting the production process and improving the export capability in the country. This issue is also true for the special economic zones affiliated to Iran's Mines and Mineral Industries Development and Modernization Organization (IMIDRO). In this article, an attempt was made to analyze the flow and process of attracting foreign and domestic direct investment in these regions based on the theoretical framework of extroversion. The findings of the research indicate that from the point of view of attracting foreign and domestic investment, the special economic zones active in the field of energy, such as the metal and mineral industries of the Persian Gulf and Parsian, have acted more effectively and successfully than the two regions of Kashan and Lamard. However, reasons such as the sanctions system, inattention to production, preference for local demand over accurate location and infrastructure assessment, and neglect of banking and insurance reforms to encourage investment have been among the reasons for the failure of these regions.

Trump's main goal of his foreign policy is to strengthen the power and influence of the United States in the global political scene through radical policies, to weaken the role of competitors such as Russia and China, to strengthen the alliance and cooperation with traditional allies in the regional scene such as Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime in order to reduce influence and Iran's power was assumed, and this shows the need to examine this issue to maintain Iran's power and security in the region as a Shia country. In the "Deal of the Century" plan, the basis for solving the Palestinian issue and the "two-state" plan was not, but the formation of " "Jewish national homeland" was discussed in the land of Palestine. In this article, after answering the question that c. A. What role has Iran played in Trump's approach to terrorism in the deal of the century? The proposed hypothesis is that Trump's approach in dealing with terrorism in the Deal of the Century plan was to deal with Iran and the resistance front in line with supporting Israel and other regional allies. Using the descriptive-analytical method, we came to the conclusion that the foreign policy of the United States regarding the deal of the century is based on a unilateral settlement approach and on the basis of protecting Israel's interests and confronting Iran and the resistance front.

In this article, using the descriptive-analytical method, we are looking for an answer to the question, what effect does the reconstruction of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have on the peace in Yemen? In this regard, using the three variables of Rosna's theory, that is; The type of political system and perception of its role (Islamic Republic system and Saudi political system), the role of decision makers (Iranian and Saudi foreign policy decision makers) and environmental variables in the field of the international system (the role of America, China and Europe) support this hypothesis. We proposed that one of the areas where the confrontation between the politics of Iran and Saudi Arabia can be observed is Yemen, and the different views of Iran and Saudi Arabia on the Houthi Shiites and the role of environmental variables have caused different reactions of these two countries, which today is due to the approach Unlike Biden, the common interests of the two countries in order to stabilize regional power in line with their values and the role of decision-makers in order to de-escalate and improve relations have a great impact on the end of the war in Yemen and the preservation of its territorial integrity. The findings of the research show that the competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran and the conflict of interests of these two countries in the Yemen crisis had created a game with an algebraic sum of zero and the result of this game was nothing but conflict and conflict. In order to get out of this crisis, the two countries have started to negotiate about their areas of influence and improve their relations in order to promise peace and stability in Yemen and their regional security.

After withdrawal of US from JCPOA, Americans and their regional allies began a campaign against Iran that was known as maximum pressure campaign. Former US president who was dissident with JCPOA during his presidential campaign knew that deal as a bad deal. He ordered to withdraw US from JCPOA ultimately.in this research we want to answer to this question that what was objective of maximum pressure campaign against Iran. Research’s findings after putting aside of liberal hegemony as American grand strategy and attention to offshore balancing during Obama presidency, US middle eastern policy was made based on preventing of rise of a regional hegemon power. Unlike Obama period was based on Referral of responsibility in Trump era America acted directly to establish balance of power by maximum pressure campaign.in fact that policy was balancing strategy against Iran. America’s actions consist of sanctions, military cooperation with its allies and to regional coalition building. Americans tried with weakening of Iran and supporting of their allies rebalance in Middle East. This research is analytical descriptive and to collect data and information we used of library method.