فصلنامه مطالعات بین المللی پلیس
پیاپی 53 (بهار 1402)

The extradition of terrorist criminals is one of the basic measures and strategies to deal with and pursue terrorist crimes. This research aims to explain and measure the approaches of police diplomacy as the most important strategy in the extradition of terrorist criminals in the light of legal and international standards has taken. 

A descriptive-analytical research method was conducted with a qualitative and documentary approach, in the documentary part, information was collected by using research sources, and in the qualitative part, through targeted interviews with 9 security police experts. The public and university professors regarding the approaches of police diplomacy in the extradition of terrorist criminals, their expert opinions have been obtained through the Delphi technique. 

The results of the research and the results of the Delphi interview indicate that, according to the experts, the basic approaches of law enforcement diplomacy are based on "exchange of training, knowledge and police experiences", "discourse creation and police negotiations", "intelligence-security, criminal cooperation and exchange of capacity-building capabilities" law enforcement of INTERPOL member countries" and "promotion of multilateral international cooperation in the field of dealing with organized and transnational crimes, especially the extradition of terrorist criminals". International system, facing the international environment and transnational, regional and international actors and activists, in addition to using the capacities of international law and international conventions on terrorist crimes, strategic and police mechanisms under the title of police diplomacy to extradite criminals to the country and police and judicial search. It has benefited and by applying this diplomacy with the authority of the international police, constructive effects and favorable achievements have been brought to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The outbreak of Covid 19 pandemic since 2019 has changed the world dramatically. Given the fundamental changes in people's lifestyles and changes in individual and social patterns of behavior around the world that originate from medical prescriptions, it is important to study the effects of this phenomenon in different social domains. One of these important areas is to assess the impact of pandemics on crime rates. Among the various types of crime, transnational organized crime as an important part of white-collar crime has many implications for the international community. Given the transnational nature of crimes in this area, collective victimization, covert violence, high black numbers, invisibility, and links to power and wealth groups, analyzing the circumstances of these crimes during the Covend Pandemic period 19 are fundamental and important issues.

This descriptive-analytical and qualitative research method seeks to investigate the effect of the Povemovid 19 pandemic on organized crime in EU countries using Europol documents.

Although Covid 19 has addressed serious issues and challenges in crime and criminal justice responses, the analysis of organized crime rates, the dynamics of criminal techniques, and the processes of updating crime in the light of changes in social life are important issues in this area. The findings show that not only did cross-border organized crime such as terrorism, cybercrime, drug trafficking and economic crime decrease during the Covid 19 pandemic, but so did the rate of some crimes such as cybercrime and drug distribution. The reason for this is the use of new criminal structures, flexibility in the specific conditions of social life in this period and the updating of crime techniques by organized crime offenders.

The United Nations Security Council as the primary and main responsible for maintaining international peace and security and the International Court of Justice as the judicial pillar of the United Nations play an important role in resolving international disputes. At the same time, these institutions are considered to be part of the United Nations, and the boundaries and manner of their relations with each other are effective in resolving disputes. Based on this, in this article, we will examine what role and position the Security Council and the International Court of Justice have in the settlement of international disputes. And what is the relationship between these two institutions in resolving disputes?

This article is written in an analytical-descriptive way.

Regarding the relations between the Security Council and the International Court of Justice in the settlement of international disputes, four situations can be examined, which include the judicial supervision of the Court over the Security Council, the simultaneous jurisdiction of the Security Council and the International Court of Justice in Dealing with international disputes is the effect of Security Council resolutions on the rulings of the International Court of Justice and the Security Council as a guarantee of the implementation of the decisions of the International Court of Justice. It should also be said that the Court and the Security Council are not superior to each other, and referring to the Council to implement the decision of the Court or requesting an advisory opinion from the Court by the Security Council is not a criterion for the superiority of one over the other.

By signing and ratifying several international legal instruments, China has shown its support for the international legal system at a time when the world has not yet achieved a single legal and global order. However, in response to the International Criminal Court's Statute and its 2010 amendments, including, the definition of the crime of aggression, it took the opposite direction. China has argued that the Court's activities should not be in conflict with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, in particular that it should be in coordination with the Charter of the United Nations on the definition of the crime of aggression. In this article, we intend to address China's concerns about the expansion of the Court's jurisdiction and its approach towards the definition of the crime of aggression.

The present study is based on a descriptive-analytical method andbased on documents and library sources, and in this regard, by studying internationaldocuments, with a practical purpose, the obtained information is analyzed.

The results of the research show that China claims allegations regarding the crime of aggression are generally politically controversial. The UN Charter stipulates that the Security Council is the political body that must deal with the issue, and that only by doing so will the UN be able to take its commitments in maintaining international peace and security. Therefore, the Court's intervention in such matters with political sensitivity, and prior to the Security Council appropriate actions, is not a proper process. Moreover, the jurisdiction of the Court's Prosecutor to intervene prior to the Security Council's decision undermines the credibility of both institutions. This article uses a descriptive-analytical method to examine China's approach towards the definition of the crime of aggression.

With the change in the nature of power in the new world order, the nature of international threats has also changed. This transformation has made it more necessary to pay attention to the special position of international law in maintaining international peace and security, as well as the need to review international legal rules. Based on this, the present research seeks to answer the question that in the new world order, with what approaches and how can international law play its real role in the balance of power.

The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical, which was done by studying books, authoritative articles, and examining legal documents and international procedures.

The findings of the research show that; The current world has entered a new stage with the emergence of many regional and global powers, one of the important requirements of which is the balance of power at different levels, especially in relation to international law. But since international law has not been updated along with the changes that have occurred in the international system; In order to achieve its rightful position in the desired balance of power, it is necessary in the light of approaches such as "international support for innovative procedures", "anticipation of the guarantee of adequate international executions", "revision of international regulations regarding the use of intelligent power" and "The development of domestic rights and the level of global participation", to accept reforms in its structure and function.

The police is one of the paralegal agents in the front line of law enforcement and the initiation of the criminal justice process. Considering that the police is considered as a key representative of the government, the administrative health and cohesion of the police in all societies is necessary to maintain public trust in the rule of law and maintain internal security. When police corruption is revealed or people consider it common, self-confidence and social relations with the police force are destroyed. The low credibility of the police also has a negative impact on the legitimacy of the government. Negative public perceptions of the police and the government are especially problematic in communities or governments that are experiencing some kind of internal conflict.

The present research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of method, and information collection is done in a library and with the use of a fish-taking tool.

The main focus of this research is on the main causes and consequences of police corruption based on the writings of foreign experts and the doctrine presented in countries that do not have very favorable internal security. Afghanistan, Pakistan, India and Latin America can be mentioned among these countries.

To increase the cohesion and loyalty of the police for the country, drawing a comprehensive anti-corruption strategy, instead of a linear strategy, the potential to increase awareness, increase rights to prevent petty forms of corruption, create anti-corruption inspections independent of the command and turn the course. O police officers, it is necessary. These multifaceted preventive strategies in a police force facing a society with internal conflict are needed to reaffirm public support and prevent some protesters from joining armed opposition groups.

Asymmetric war is a term that has opened its place in military literature and international humanitarian law texts in recent decades. The most important examples of such battles are conflicts between governments and terrorist or rebel groups. The implementation of the principle of distinction in these wars is one of the most important challenges in the field of humanitarian law. On the one hand civilians are victims of hostile acts of armed groups or retaliatory actions of government forces and on the other hand some civilians are directly involved in the operations of armed groups. The purpose of this article is to answer the question how long do civilians have support in asymmetric battles and under what conditions is this support taken away from them?

This research was done by descriptive-analytical method and data collection using library sources.

The findings of this research indicate that in many cases, violating the principle of separation is a basic strategy for the weaker party in asymmetric war, and one of its effects is the blurring of the border between combatant and civilian. Therefore, the traditional combatant-civilian division does not work in asymmetric conflicts. It seems that the legal protection of civilians active in conflicts depends on the type and extent of participation in the conflict as well as the level of organization of the relevant armed group. Also, it is necessary that the military operations of the governments are carried out with a justified legal justification based on the principle of separation, so that the least damage is done to the civilians. Undoubtedly, solving the existing ambiguities and gaps requires the development of humanitarian rights with the cooperation of governments and international organizations.

With the humanization of the rights process, we are witnessing a transition from the sovereignty-oriented approach to the thought of human rights. A paradigm that is associated with changes in the internal regulations of governments in compliance with international obligations under human rights documents. The change in the nature and form of imprisonment is one of the cases that in this research we will evaluate the new human rights policies in reducing the punishment of penal servitude in Iran's penal system.

This article is written in a descriptive-analytical way.

In the new structure of punishments, although imprisonment is not eliminated, efforts are made to prevent its pivotal role and the increase in the number of prisoners. For this reason, the amendment and refinement of criminal laws in order to use less prison sentences and reduce the prison population is inevitable. In Iran, the law on reducing the punishments of penal servitude approved on 2020-5-12 hastily and without taking into account some of the consequences of execution and release. It was approved according to the customary method of law-making and with the motive of reducing prison sentences, it will create problems for the courts in practice. Regarding the theoretical foundations, the tendency to enact a law to reduce the punishment of penal servitude can be attributed to the theory of pure tolerance and compliance with the principle of proportionality of punishment. Ha pointed out that in addition to the factors of tendency to enact a law to reduce prison sentences, it should also be noted that judges do not use alternative punishments of imprisonment and the increase in the economic cost of prison.