نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 39 (زمستان 1401)

The purpose of the present study is to delve deep into the issue of caliphate in the Qur’an, especially in the 30th verse of Surah al-Baqarah and its relation with fundamental concepts in the political speech such as legitimacy. The research method is thematic Ijtihādi exegesis and content analysis, and it relies on the hypothesis that the concept of caliphate in the 30th verse of Surah al-Baqarah denotes succession of humankind from God and not only the saints or ancestors, as it is conveyed by many commentary books. Typical succession can also be equivocal and spectral as it is held by Tafsir-e Tasnim. Among contemporary exegeses, there are two general approaches called succession from ancestors and succession from God. In the latter, there are three approaches including succession of perfect humans, succession of a typical human, and succession of aequivocal type. According to the research results, the first approach along with the first perspective of the second approach, absolute divine legitimacy, a type of caliphate based on public and divine legitimacy, and the equivocal type of human caliphate from God that is Āyatollāh Javādi Āmoli’s view in Tafsir-e Tasnim, can contribute to strengthening the theory of divine-public legitimacy and active political participation in the realm of Islamic governance. Since the verse “I am going to place a successive authority on earth” is noun not verb phrase and the term Jā’il is a constant attribute, it conveys the consistency of Caliph of Allah. Accordingly, the state of caliph of Allah for humans is not merely related to creation, but it also implies a permission for them to get involved in social and governmental issues as well.

The present research aims to address the question of how the issue of population increase and social security is depicted and evaluated from the perspective of the Holy Quran and narrations.  The answer to the question relies on the typology and assessment of the related data conducted by content analysis and developmental study approach. It is assumed that the Quranic verses and narrations consider the increase of the population as the source of divine assistance, the adornment and pleasantness of life, the authority and security of the Islamic society, and the cause of fear and trepidation of the enemies. On the other hand, the policy of reducing the population is considered as a threat to the survival of the generation. The first finding of the research addresses politicians and decision makers in society to convey social security is not feasible without concentration on the policy of population development; therefore, it requires deliberate and principled planning. The second finding is related to researchers in jurisprudential realms to analyze the issue of population not just from an individualistic approach but also from a collectivist perspective with respect to the requirements, principles, and values in Islamic society.

The purpose of the present research is to study anthropological principles of “freedom of expression” right from Islamic view. The research method is descriptive analysis and the results showed that legal systems as well as national and international associations, in addition to supporting human rights and freedom in civil and political issues, should prevent illegitimate and unreasonable restriction on freedom of expression. In all circumstances, they should regard freedom of expression as a principle and exceptionally impose restrictions on that. Legal systems should pay attention to the innate human right for choice as an outlook basis, innate human dignity as a value basis, and tendency to perfection and virtue as an inclination basis in Islamic anthropology.

The Ijtihādi method which infers propositions of political Kalām from the texts and their references relies on the hypothesis that political Kalām as a branch in the science of Kalām, despite its various methods in interpretation and defense, lacks a methodological structure in production and inference of basic theories and issues. This fact has prevented the improvement of this science and its related subcategories like political Kalām. The idea of Āyatollāh Khāmene’i for the development of jurisprudential Ijtihad method to activate and update the science of Kalām proposed the hypothesis that the way for epistemological development of political Kalām, in accordance with the current questions, concerns, and doubts, is to renovate the inference method from the Qur’an. The best model experience in this method is the methodological knowledge of the existent jurisprudential principles along with the science of Fiqh. To substantiate this idea, an exploratory method similar to inquisition from texts was used. Through this method and some stages including gathering, manifestation, inference from appearances, and inquisition from the text, relevant concepts of basic inference are redefined and the science of principles as a review method presented a model entitled “inferential method”. By the renovation and rearrangement of relevant structures in the science of principles, the stages of inferencing propositions of political Kalām from the Qur’an were investigated in a procedural form. Conducting this method in a procedural and logical order determines the starting and ending direction of the Islamic final view in comprehensive thinking about political and theological issues.

For the answer to the question about jurisprudential foundation underlying Āyatollāh Sistāni’s policy, there is little analysis which are mostly focused on just description of his political behavior. An investigation of jurisprudential references as well as his ideas shows that between the views of Āyatollāh Khoyi and Imām Khomeini which send Mujtahidin to the government, he returns to the doctrine of Mirzā Nā’ini in the Tanbih al-Ummah wa Tanzil al-Millah (the admonition of people and the refinement of sharia). Returning to Nā’ini’s idea is needed in Iraqi society today that its principles are accurately reconstructed not in a monarchy but a democratic system. Āyatollāh Sistāni. Similar to Nā’ini, supports a contract between the people and the governor; however, reconstructs the theory with three changes in the republican assembly. The research method is a combination of descriptive, explanatory, and analytical methods that re-read and analyze the intellectual doctrine of Āyatollāh Sistāni in these three stages. His political ideology is slightly different from the doctrine of Āyatollāh Khoyi and Imām Khomeini and somehow in the middle. However, like many other thinkers in Najaf seminary, he isalso influenced  by the norms that have been  prevalent in this field over the last one or two centuries. The norms that were mostly established by Sheikh Mortezā Ansāri, and then Akhound Khorāsāni, and his student Mirzā Nā’ini. Indeed, Āyatollāh Sistāni under the influence of this movement has been able to revisit the doctrine of Nā’ini and accordingly back up a civil government in Baghdad.

The purpose of the present study is to review the relation between the two concepts of right and justice from the viewpoint of Shahid Motahhari. The research method is descriptive analysis and the results showed that the subject of justice mentioned about human behavior implies human rights. Social justice is the observance of equality in the legislation and execution of law so that everyone would achieve his/her right. The most significant impact of lack of justice in society is the disruption of the balance, calmness, and mental health of society and its citizens which would unreasonably change their thoughts, moral beliefs, and behavior and bring unsafety in the living environment.

The present study has analyzed the idea of Mirzā Khalil Kamarah’i about the main crises in the contemporary Iranian-Islamic community, the causes of its decline, the desired society, and strategies for its realization using the four-stage model of Thomas Spriggans. Based on the research results, the most significant crisis in the Islamic community is related to war and radicalism. The main root of these crisis is Salafism and Westernism, which has led to authoritarian governments. As an alternative to the current situation, Mirzā Khalil Kamarah’i suggests a council government based on two elements of active citizenship and the practical implementation of Sharia liability in Islamic society. Finally, the way to reach such a community is two-sided, simultaneously criticizing the western culture (colonialism) and reaching Islamic unity (Wilāyat-e Faqih) as a practical measure. The most important criticism of Kamarah'i's idea can be considered as the confusion of his desired society and its incompatibility with his etymology and solution.

The purpose of the present research is to study the integration legitimacy and worthiness in the theory of religious democracy and its consequences. In this regard, a descriptive-analytical method was used to present a vivid criterion to criticize the current theories and then introduce a justified viewpoint about the place of people in a religious system based on realism in the realm of values. The study also deals with characteristics of legitimacy, the value of democracy, and its requirements. The logical requirements of this theory are as follows: acceptance of critique and reformation of public will, fallibility, complementarity, constrainability, necessity to respect the limits of justice, preferability, structurability, necessity of situation research, and obligatory. Although doctrines such as divine and public legitimacy, democracy, or supporting role of people are acceptable views, they just describe people’s role and not mention the condition for substantiation of the government. Firstly, these perspectives cannot determine the value of democracy and secondly, they can not specify the worthiness of public will.

One of the important discussions in Islamic political Kalām is related to principles of political legitimacy. Imāmiah, Ashāi’rah, and Mo’tazilah are three important Islamic sects which have their own different political ideas in this regard. The present research conducted by descriptive analysis, deals with the comparative study of principles of the Imām’s political legitimacy, methodology and characteristics of a ruler from the view of the abovementioned sects in order to display their commonalities and differences. To this aim, after explaining the methodology of each of the sects, their most important principles in the realm of political legitimacy were comparatively studied. Further, the most significant features effective on the legitimacy of Imām were elucidated. The research results showed that in terms of methodology, Imāmiah follows rational and occasionally narrative methods, Mo’tazilah uses just rational methods, while Ashāi’rah follows the moderation between the extremism of Mu'tazila and those of Ahl al-Hadith with the tendency to quote. In terms of principles of political legitimacy, all three tendencies have a common perspective in the issue of monotheism. In the discussion of the authenticity of word and deed, the Companions of the Imāmiah do not consider it as the basis of legitimacy. Mo’tazilah believes in detailed accounts while Ashāi’rah believes in authenticity. With respect to the characteristics of the ruler, all three tendencies consider general conditions. Imāmiah believes in infallibility, knowledge, and superiority, whereas Mo’tazilah and Ashāi’rah do not regard infallibility as a requirement.

The purpose of the present research is to investigate the components and strategies of legitimacy crises in virtuous governments. Using descriptive analysis, propositions of political philosophy have been inferred from the works of some philosophers such as Fārābi and Nasir al-Din Tousi, and the propositions related to the study sample (the Islamic Republic of Iran), have also been deduced from the constitution, the statements of Imām Khomaini, as well as the political experience of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research hypothesis is the non-unidimensionality of the components and strategies of legitimacy crisis; because Islamic political philosophy in addition to material dimensions of the government, considers discourse and conceptual dimensions effective on legitimacy. Legitimation crisis arises in the realm of legitimacy sources; from the perspective of Islamic political philosophy, the sources of legitimacy are individualentitlement and public satisfaction. The finding of the present research is identification of “political legitimacy fragmentation”, “ideological gap between the ruler and the people”, and “economic recession” as components and “political training”, “intellectual persuasion”, and “enforcement of domestic production, social provision, and foreign commerce” as strategies to strengthen legitimacy.

The principle of Lā Zerār (no harm) is one of the important rules in Islamic Fiqh (Jurisprudence)and it is practical in all jurisprudential aspects. Since politics is one of the significant fields in human societies and according to Imām Khomeini, Islam and its Fiqh are completely political issues, the relation between this principle and politics is considered so valuable and pivotal. It is possible to utilize the potential of this principle in the realm of politics and international systems. In this regard, the present research aims to answer how we can make use of the potential of this principle in the realm of politics in general. The research method is descriptive-analytic, and the results indicate that according to Imām Khomeini’s approach to this principle that regards it as a governmental order, it can assist jurists in different political and social fields and prevent the actualization of some established laws in all individual, social, and political (national-international) domains. In this case, the harm should be identified in terms of compatibility between order and subject: If it refers to an individual subject, it should be identified by individuals and if it is political and governmental, it is within the authority of the Islamic ruler. Therefore, the Islamic ruler should identify the extent of harm with respect to the interests of Islamic society and act accordingly.

The purpose of the present study is to analyze the reformist movement attempts by Imām Hosein (AS) to protect the Noble Qur’an from spiritual distortion of Bani Umayyah. In this regard, based on descriptive analysis and relying on the Hoseini movement’s explanation of the Qur’an, the Qur’anic documents in terms of the Umayyad movement for the spiritual distortion of the Last Miracle were evaluated. The results showed that despite revelation-based and cultural policies of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) to protect the Noble Qur’an from verbal distortion, instrumental use of the Quran has occurred in sensitive historical situations. Meanwhile, Bani Umayyah with recourse to some verses of the Qur’an about Sovereignty of Allah, has attempted to consolidate and propagate determinism to justify its legitimacy crisis. This movement faced a precise response and well-timed reaction from Seyed al-Shohadā (AS), Imām Sajjād (AS), and Hazrat Zeinab (S). By offering an accurate interpretation of the Qur’an, this achievement could protect the realm of the divine book from semantic manipulationof the Umayyads and remove the way of appropriation of the noble themes in the Last Miracle for the interest of false purposes.

The purpose of the present research is to compare the governmental commands of Wali-e Faqih and special authority of the U.S and France presidents in unconventional conditions. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that authority of the U.S and France presidents in unconventional situations and crises relies on the individual so much more extensive and higher than the governmental command of Wali-e Faqih. Moreover, the supreme ruler in most political systems around the world has authority and power beyond the framework of the constitution and codified laws in order to manage society in unconventional and critical situations. However, in comparison, it can be claimed that the governmental command of Wali-e Faqih is executed after constitution as well as religious and accurate conditions such as observing interest, justice, and consultation with the Expediency Council as a consultative council. The review process of the U.S and Republic of France constitution shows lack of attention to people’s political participation in the realm of power in those countries because the role of public vote is neglected in major decisions and constitution as the national covenant

The purpose of the present research is to identify the aspects, components, and indicators for designing Islamic-Iranian model of development in terms of political development. In this regard, a descriptive-analytical survey method and through a review of existing studies and documents as well as the Delphi method, the studied components were discussed with a statistical sample of 307 experts and scholars in the field of the Islamic-Iranian model of development, and the impact and relevance of each of the components were tested. The research results showed that the political development model based on Islamic-Iranian development has 10 basic components which are interrelated and have a specific significance or its own rank in the explanation model. Furthermore, internal authority, Islamic goals and values, as well as administrative and organizational perspective had the highest significance and rank in the political structure of the Islamic-Iranian model of development.

The purpose of the present research is to investigate and identify the factors and instances of globalization in the attitude of reformist and fundamentalist elites. The research had a practical objective and data collection was conducted by library study through a descriptive and analytical method. The results showed that since globalization is a project proposed by reformist elites and compatible with their intellectual foundation, it inevitably has caused improvement in different fields of identity, culture, economy, politics, foreign policy, and national sovereignty. On the other hand, since conservative and fundamentalist elites believe in an ideological government, ideological and traditional discourse, and mass society, globalization from their viewpoint could not bring any opportunity and has had no result but threatening the identity, culture, economy, politics, foreign policy, and national sovereignty of the country. It seems that this group of elites do not have an optimist attitude toward globalization to bring any opportunities in the fields of identity, culture, economy, politics, foreign policy, and national sovereignty.

The purpose of the present research is to recognize how Shahid Qāsem Soleimāni struggled for religion and to present a scientific explanation of his attempts. In this regard, the main research question is how we can understand and reveal some of the noble and distinctive aspects of his struggle for religion. The research method is based on documentary and inductive study. In the first step, it deals with the recognition of some of the noble and distinctive aspects of his attempts such as “visiting”, “self-control, “body-control”, “letting go of mental idles”, “human dignity”, “religious-legal Jihād”, “passing geography and territory”, “patience and tolerance”, “transcendental movement between Iran and the world”, and “Wilāyat”. In the second step, by explaining the above points in an epistemological field and sphere, it was revealed that his struggle for religion has been “wisdom-oriented” and “wisdom-making”. By his belief in the origin and end of the universe, he achieved his wisdom of “Godlikeness” and “second birth” through struggle for God and manifested “destination” and “intention” for Him through companionship of the Almighty.His sincere efforts have become the logic of understanding the fundamental wisdom behind those struggles and wisdom-making for him.

The aim of the present research is to investigate the root of cognitive-political ideology of conflict between Iran and the U.S after the victory of the Islamic revolution. In this regard, the impact of some factors such as opposite political beliefs, different political mentality, and political culture of the elites on the formation of the conflict was investigated within the framework of an ideology. The main research question is, what is the nature of political-cognitive ideology of conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America? The research is based on the hypothesis that on the part of Iranians, Satanism and arrogance are the historical negative mentality caused by hostile measures, and on the part of the United States, it is the loss of interests, allies, identity of the political system, problematology and etiology of the conflict.  The theoretical framework of the discussion is based on the theory of Thomas Spriggans and the applied method is interpretivism.  Analyzing the different foundational cognitive-political ideologies of Iran and the United States, explaining the conflict from Iran's perspective by analyzing the political ideologies of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei, and exploring the Iran-US conflict from the perspective of the United States, by analyzing the ideological principles and behavior based on the principles on the part of the two parties Democrats and Republicans in relation to Iran, as well as the administrations that have held power in the United States, are among the main issues of discussion in the research. The results indicated that conceptual, structural, and cognitive-political distinctions have made Iran and the U.S into two political structures with different mentality, and the solution to overcome the conflict pattern is to interpret the cognitive horizons of the two countries.