نشریه پژوهش های علوم تاریخی
سال پانزدهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 35، پاییز 1402)

Based on the documents left from the Sassanid period, such as inscriptions, seals and Pahlavi texts, it is clear to us that the choice of compound names for cities was very common in this era. The evidence shows that the names of Sassanid Iranian cities, which were chosen in compound form, were composed of two or three words and even more. In this period of history and a lot earlier than in addition to the names of cities, Iranians followed this naming method in various social, political and even military matters. The interest in choosing compound names was such that the Sasanians used compound names even for their children. We observe that due to the importance of the tradition of urban planning in the Sassanid era and the issue of naming those cities, the Sassanid emperors used their own names to name newly founded cities. This issue in itself led to the discovery of new compound words in the Sasanian era, which investigating them opens another window for researchers to study Sasanian history. In this way, the chosen name was a combined name, one of which was the name of the king who built that city. It is because of this naming method that the compound names of many cities from the Sassanid era have remained today. Now, by examining the abbreviated signs of the compound names of the cities that remain in the Sassanid mosques, and also matching them with the Sasanian inscriptions, seals, and Pahlavi texts that contain the full form of these cities with compound names, we will obtain the abbreviated signs of these names and also We will identify their geographical location precisely. The research on this issue will also show that a compound name consisting of two, three or even four words was used for the purpose of political propaganda of kings in the form of an abbreviated name in introducing the names of cities. In this article, we will introduce the compound names, the reason for their occurrence, and the way to abbreviate them

This article discusses the Sasanian clay seal in Pahlavi script from the private collection of Mojtaba Zadeh-Khorasani. The first seal refers to the position of "Ostandar (Governor) of Marvrud." Previously, Rika Gyselen introduced seals from Saeedi collection in London in 2002, including two statistical seals for the cities of Herat-Marv and Marvrud, and a Amargar seal of Marvrud and Balkh. Considering that the Amargar officer held a position within a ostan (province) during the Sasanian era, Gyselen suggested the possibility of Marvrud being a province. Later, in 2015, by studying a newly discovered seal previously introduced by Gignoux, Gyselen proved that Marvrud was indeed a ostan. With the introduction of the discussed clay seal in the present study, it is revealed for the first time that Marvrud ostan also included the title of "Ostandar" within its region. The second seal depicts a dormant lion, which has a faded inscription. The third seal, known as the seal of shahed (witness), including the words "Mogh" and "Rast". The clay seal appears that belong to Kavad I era or the period of Khusrow I in the 6th century AD. Considering the significance of Marvrud as a military command center, it is highly likely that Marvrud was designated as an ostan during the reforms of Khusrow I, and also according to the fact, it included an Ostandar position

The competition between Russia and England in Iran for the purpose of developing possessions and concluding concession contracts started from the beginning of the Qajar period in the 19th century and gradually intensified. One of the factors that intensified the rivalry between Russia and England in Iran was the issue of India. British to protect India and Russians to disturb the British in India were applying many policies in parts of Iran. The issue of India and some other factors caused the rivalry between Russia and England in the last years of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century to be more concentrated in the eastern regions of Iran, especially Sistan. The competition of these two European countries in the east of Iran had reached such a height that they established a consulate in Sistan to achieve their goals. By establishing a consulate in Sistan, these two great colonial powers, on the one hand, wanted to know about the plans of the rivals and on the other hand, sought to advance their goals and interests. The confrontation between the Russian and British consulates in Sistan along with the positions of the central government of Iran and the local rulers of the region caused complex relations between these two consulates in Sistan. The most important issue of the present article is what was the relationship between the Russian and British consulates in Sistan? The assumption of this article is that the relations between the Russian and British consulates in Sistan were more competitive and confrontational. Of course, they interacted with each other regarding cultural issues and political issues in emergency situations. This writing has been done in a historical method with a descriptive-analytical method using library sources and documents

Atrak River is one of the longest border rivers of Iran, whose source is the heights near Qochan in the north of Khorasan and it travels a path from east to west on the common border of Iran and Russia and recently Turkmenistan. This river has an important place in the political history of the region, a part of it in the Chat area, according to the Akhal Treaty in 1299 AH, became the official and common border of Qajar Iran and the Tsarist Russian Empire and after a few decades after the October Revolution in 1917, it was determined as the border between Iran and the Soviet Union and it was decided that at least 50% of the water of this river will enter the regions of that country. In addition to its border importance, Atrak River has always been of interest in terms of irrigation of agricultural lands and various construction facilities and creation of sources of income. Therefore, giving importance to issues related to water and border rivers such as Atrak in studies of contemporary history plays an important role in determining the behavior of water diplomacy and economic decisions. The present research, using descriptive-analytical method and relying on library and documentary sources, aims to answer the question, what effect did the Atrak River have on the hydropolitical relations of Iran and its neighbors in the direction of stability and reduction of water and border tensions? And what effect did it have on the historical developments of the east of the Caspian Sea, in terms of population and economy? The claim of the research is that due to the changes in the Atrak River bed due to natural causes and human intervention, there have always been problems and tensions in determining the borders of Iran with neighboring lands. Also, the Turkmen-inhabited region on both sides of the river has a desert climate, and the Etrak river basin is one of the water sources of this land, Therefore, the arbitrary withdrawal of water by the countries has caused challenges between the two countries, and to solve this problem, agreements were always signed in different periods, the results of which were the relative interactions of the parties in the last century

Patricia Crone and John V. Tolan represent two directions in Islamic studies, extremism and traditionalism. Extremism revolved around negating the credibility of the resources of Islamic history and endeavoring to reshape and rewrite Sīratu Rasūli l-Lāh (PBUH) and the accurate history of Islam by making reference to non-Islamic historical resources. On the other hand, The fundamentals of their rival stream viz traditionalism include trusting and believing in the credibility of the resources of Islamic history, assigning historical centrality for the accounts across the history of Islam. From the 1970s onward, the Revisionist school of Islamic studies replaced the extremist campaign and tried to extend the foundations of extremism that Patricia Crone’s Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World(Written in collaboration with Michael Cook), is one of the results of this skepticism and the extremism of the revisionists. On the other hand, as a way of responding to the efforts and extremist actions of the revisionists, traditionalists reacted scientifically, and John Tolan’s Faces of Muhammad: Western Perceptions of the Prophet of Islam from the Middle Ages to Today, is one of the most remarkable instances. The present study, which was carried out using a descriptive-analytical methodology by making reference to library resources, aimed to compare the representation and introduction of Sīratu Rasūli l-Lāh (PBUH) and the history of Islam in the views of Patricia Crone and John Tolan according to Hagarism and Faces of Muhammad. The main question of the study revolved around the similarities and differences between the two books in terms of representation. The study hypothesized that Hagarism reflected the Revisionist ’ skeptical foundations and thoughts, while faces of Muhammad – despite implicitly approving some of the Revisionist ’ ideas – adopted a traditional approach and opposed the opinions propagated by reformists

This study aims to delve into the historical development and fluctuations in Fustat’s economic and urban growth during the Tulunid, Ikhshidid, and Fatimid dynasties. Situated in a geographically unique location, Fustat, outpaced Alexandria in terms of political-administrative standing, industrial growth, and trade prominence during the Umayyad era. With the establishment of the Abbasid dynasty, Fustat expanded northward and gained further importance in international trade. The findings of this study indicate that during the Tulunid rule, the newly established city of Al-Qaṭāʾiʿ merged with Fustat, becoming a major center for high-quality pottery production. During the Ikhshidid period and after the death of Muhammad ibn Tughj, Fustat's fortunes took a downturn, beset by natural calamities and neglect from Ikhshidid rulers. Nevertheless, under Fatimid rule in Egypt, Fustat witnessed a remarkable revival. This resurgence was propelled by a dramatic shift in trade routes as commerce redirected from Iraq and the Persian Gulf to Egypt and the Red Sea, while the ports of Alexandria and Aydhab became instrumental in fostering trade connections between Fustat, Europe, Yemen, and the Far East. Fustat played a crucial role as an intermediary hub between Ifrīqiyyah and the commercial centers of the Indian Ocean, and at the same time, it was vitally connected with the Levant through strategic ports such as Tyre, Latakia, and Ascalon. Moreover, the commercial prosperity of Fustat was greatly enhanced by the presence and settlement of Byzantine, Amalfitan, Venetian, and Pisan merchants. However, in the 6th century AH, Fustat faced a catastrophic setback when it was set ablaze, driven by fears of Crusader dominance, resulting in the loss of its privileged position in Egypt.