نشریه مطالعات اقتصاد سیاسی بین الملل
سال ششم شماره 2 (پاییز و زمستان 1402)

Despite the fact that the roots of self-regulation should be sought in the 18th and 19th centuries and in the ideas emanating from classical liberal political economy theories, today self-regulation is considered not only one of the effective and useful approaches in moving the wheels of economic systems, but also a successful and useful method in different fields are political, social and even cultural. Meanwhile, the Guild organization has always been one of the institutions demanding self-regulation in the economic field, and with this basis, the issue of the independence of this institution and the extent and type of its dependence on the government is raised as a serious challenge in this field. This article tries to look at the history and functions of Iran's Guild organization, examines this system with a self-regulation approach, and seeks to answer the main question, how is the position of the Guild organization in Iran as a self-regulation institution explained and what are its functions? Based on this, this article concludes with a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources that the Guild organization of Iran, although it has some self-regulating traits, such as: serious participation in the election of the Guild union leader, determining the price and standard of the product, determining the amount of tax, etc. .. has been, but on the other hand, with features such as: limitless supervision of government elements such as: sheriff, inspector, inspector, Darogh, etc. on guild affairs, government interference in the election of the guild leader, lack of development of civil society and dependency Organic to the government and... while being different from western guilds, it did not have the necessary independence as a full-fledged self-regulating institution and does not have it.

Smuggling goods and currency as a destructive factor of the country’s economy, by creating deviation in investment and expansion of economic activities, disorganizes economic equivalence and progress. So the governments are trying to confront with it in any way; thus since the problem of Smuggling is wicked in Iran, different proceedings and attitudes couldn’t control this progress. So in this research, in addition to distinguishing and determine the fields and the results of smuggling and enumerating lawful actions done to confront with smuggling goods and currency in Iran, with pragmatics case of wicked problems according to RITTEl and WEBBER(who believe: these cases not only require alternative action strategies but also alternative ways of observing and enabling)and using this descriptive analytic way and guttering library resources, documentary and statistical, we are going to answer the question: At the present situation of Iran what patterns are necessary to confront with the smuggling goods and currency? Statistics show that, although there is rules to confront with smuggling establishing the staff to fight with smuggling goods and currency and administrative efforts of constriction, disciplinary and complexity of the ways used by the smugglers, the average of smuggling goods and currency in Iran has been increasing and as a result of the corruption perceptions Index is not including the ranking of Iran in the transparency of international organization. So according to these writers, with the participatory cooperative guidelines and using economic policy to increase domestic and international qualifies and trying to concur renting domestic rules and international trades we can help to improve the situation.

Among the communication and transportation technologies, the railway has the most connection with politics to the extent that it has changed according to the fluctuation in the policy of creating, expanding, building, and concluding railway contracts. Since at the end of the nineteenth century, railways were seen as the locomotive of countries' development, the elites of countries, including Iran, made great efforts to expand this industry in their country. So that dealing with the road was theorized as a symbol of progress in the Qajar and Pahlavi periods. In this research, an attempt is made to answer the question of what effect politics has had on the introduction of railways as an important world technology to Iran by using the explanatory and analytical approach. In response to this question, it can be argued that the railway in Iran has been a complicated political issue rather than a technical and engineering phenomenon. This hypothesis is examined in the framework of "creative (innovative) destruction theory". The findings of the research show that the establishment of the railway in Iran is intertwined with politics, and an important range of statesmen, intellectuals and other social strata have taken a position on it according to their interests. Therefore, the foreigners had a difference of opinion about it and turned it into a place of competition between them. The method of collecting information in the current research is library-based and using documentary sources and oral history.

From 1990 decade upward, due to reasons such as spreading of structural developments, modernization, globalization and information and communication revolution, we have seen the politisization of various identities and agents and social movements have acted as great umbrella for covering and leadership of protests. Social protests in 2010s are a turning point in new history of Iran due to formal and substantive differences with former social movements. In these protests, the masses, workers, guilds and youth spontaneously were in the streets for furthering of economic, social and political demands. This study tries to answer these questions: what were the participants’ incentives in 2017-2021 protests and what were their manners of participation and awareness related to protests programs (time, local and slogans)? This research has been done in framework of the two theories namely “street politics” and “networked society” and field methodology by semi-structured technique. The total finding of this study follows that: the content analysis of interviews showed the first position for economic demands as main incentive of participation in protest activism and social and political one’s in the second and third positions respectively, especially the economic incentives had the first positions for youth. Decreasing of trust to national mass media as well as high capacities of virtual social media and satellite TVs such as organizing and communicating led to tendency to them for awareness and participating in these protests.

Research in the field of urban life and threats that target everyday life is one of the important aspects of policy-making studies, It is a city that is the subject of this research. A future study to investigate non-level intersections of Velayat and Imam Hossein and The removal of connecting urban elements such as the square in sensitive border points between neighborhoods. Research method, urban critical study and collective Information gathering was done based on non-interventionist observation and the existing businesses on the street leading to two intersections were examined have given. The purpose of these observations and analyzes is to find the deviations of physical policies and to show the textual destruction of the city. have been. From this point of view, large-scale constructions in the assessed area of ​​the historical city of Kermanshah have caused the connection between the localities. a city faces a big obstacle such as a non-level intersection through passages and the presence of residents of other neighborhoods. These non-places at sensitive border points has created a vacuum border with the neighboring areas, the destructive effects of the non-places and the vacuum border in a synergistic way have created a fragile public space, It has led the creature to decline.so that due to these developments, the businesses in Shahid Shemshadian Boulevard are like a neighborhood   marginalized, they have been dominated by temporary industrial services. In case of intensification of the mentioned effects and further deterioration of intra-city interactions due to the neglect of urban life by urban policy makers, it is feared that the city will become an archipelago and the neighborhood mentioned, become an eternal slum.

Society needs models to improve social and economic status for a better life and people have a better life. Since the 1950s, under the development discourse, various approaches have emerged and tried to improve the conditions of societies. The results of such patterns have different consequences. Each society has been influenced by these different approaches to development due to its historical and social characteristics. The modernization approach, the dependency theory, the ECLA School, and many other approaches are included in this range. In response to the devastating consequences of development, various alternatives have emerged. The present study, with a theoretical approach, seeks to examine the patterns of developmental discourse and its alternative discourse. Discourse has clarified the boundary between theoretical currents and the boundary between development and post-development currents has been determined based on the discourse approach. In fact, the history of the formation of the development discourse and the reactions to it have been clarified, and the latest approach in the post-development discourse has been described. The following results have also been obtained: 1-Development discourse consists of concepts such as westernization, economy orientation, growth orientation and imposition.2- Post-development is seen as an alternative to development, and the Envelopment approach is the latest approach to this platform.3- Post-development and ecosocialism are also in line Envelopment, but they are limited and uniaxial.4- Due to the consequences of development, the adoption of a Envelopment approach has been considered justified so that each society can flourish based on its internal capabilities. The Envelopment approach relies on the internal capacities of people such as NGOs.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1778-1712), a French philosopher and theorist, is considered one of the most influential thinkers of the Enlightenment era. In one of his most prominent works, Rousseau clearly declares that there is a direct connection between inequality and private property as the first sin of inequality. Now, this research, which relies on the theory of contradiction and conflict in terms of its fundamental theoretical content and in terms of its critical methodology, tries to answer the question, what are the elements and components of Rousseau's theoretical anthropology, and how can it be generalized and interpreted with the roots of inequality in Rousseau's political economy? The result of this research shows that although Rousseau's approach to private property in the essay on political economy and Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality seems different, the roots of human moral/social inequality should be found in the components of his theoretical anthropology, especially natural man and civil man with key concepts such as self-love, pity and compassion, as well as the fundamental differences in his attitude towards the natural state, primitive man and civilized man (compared to the teachings of the Catholic Church, Hobbes' theory of the natural state and Locke's civil state). The realm of inequality should be sought from God and the individual towards law and society.     Keywords: theoretical anthropology, inequality, civil status, private property, Jean-Jacques Rousseau Keywords: theoretical anthropology, inequality, civil status, private property, Jean-Jacques Rousseau

Dependence on the dollar, which is interpreted as dollarization, has created many problems for the countries of the world, the most important of which are the devaluation of the national currency and inflationary shocks. In contrast to such a situation, the process of de dollarization has been proposed to reduce dependence on the fluctuations of this currency and also to increase the power of central banks. The purpose of this research is to determine the feasibility of the de-dollarization of Iran's economy. Considering that the two countries China and Russia are using their global exchange systems and both are members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the question has been raised as to what advantages membership in this organization has created for Iran according to the Shanghai Economic Agreements and how the field of dedollarization will provide for Iran? The research hypothesizes that according to the activity of the global exchange systems of China and Russia in front of SWIFT, using the context of Shanghai economic cooperation is a suitable platform for Iran's dedollarization. To investigate the current situation, using the time series technique, the information of the period from 1996 to 2020 has been analyzed and it has been determined that the membership in Shanghai has increased the trade exchanges of the member countries of this organization. Considering that the destination of 14% of Iran's exports and the origin of 36% of Iran's imports are Shanghai member countries and all the members of this organization are conducting commercial exchanges with SWIFT alternative systems, the start of Iran's official activity in the Shanghai Organization in addition to preparing the ground The increase in economic exchanges, due to the expansion of partner countries in the systems of China and Russia, has also provided a suitable platform for the de-dollarization of Iran's trade.

Techno-nationalism is a form of mercantilist thinking in the realm of new technologies that directly associates innovation and technological capabilities with a nation's identity, national security, economic prosperity, and social stability. This issue has become increasingly prominent since 2018 and the US-China trade war. One of the most significant symbols of this competition lies in advanced chips, or semiconductors. Given the significance of this topic, this research aims to address the fundamental question: "What impact will techno-nationalism, especially the technological battle in the realm of semiconductors, have on the economic rivalry between the United States and China?" In alignment with this research question, the hypothesis posits that "the technological contest in the domain of semiconductors, due to the acquisition of technological advantages, constitutes one of the most critical elements in the US-China trade war, and the economic supremacy of these two nations is intertwined with dominance in this sector." The results indicate that, given the importance of semiconductors in the production of a wide array of industrial products, their destiny-shaping role, and their position as a primary determinant in the economic competition between the United States and China, the West has maintained a substantial advantage over China so far. Nevertheless, China is pursuing various strategies to narrow this gap and reduce its reliance on the West.

The hegemonic role of United States in creating the long-term crisis of capitalistic world-system is a significant variable due to its systematic influence over global economy and politics. Additionally, the quasi-monopolistic control that United States holds over networking processes and manufacturing the world-system has structurally affected the transformations taken place in the systematic order of the international capitalistic landscape. This is a crucial matter to examine on the grounds of conceptualizing the complexities and contradictions present in United States’ capitalistic prospects and the ways in which these factors contribute to manufacturing the world-system based on systematic hegemonic relations. Therefore, the main question is, how United States’ hegemony has influenced the recent systematic crisis in the capitalistic world-system? Findings confirm that the changes made in the capitalistic system of United States and their crisis-inducing contradictions have imposed a systematic upheaval on the entirety of the global capitalistic landscape through the hegemonic relations in reproducing the world system and Washington’s techniques of neutralization to impede the possible systematic transition to the 4th hegemonic cycle. This research is presented in an attempt to analyze the aforementioned phenomena on the basis of concocting a theoretical paradigm combining an examination of world systems and the epistemology of complexity.

The national image and brand of a country is created and discussed in the international system and among global public opinion. Different countries also seek to present an inspiring and attractive image of themselves through various means. An image that, in addition to showing the power of a nation, shows the sphere of influence and effective activism in the international arena. Economic and commercial diplomacy is the field of foreign policy action that takes advantage of economic power at bilateral, regional and international levels in order to secure national interests as well as national branding. Undoubtedly, it is the duty of every government to provide the necessary facilities to improve the level of empowerment and welfare for the people in order to improve the national image of the country. The main goal of this research is to analyze the position and role of economic and commercial diplomacy in promoting the national brand of countries. The question of the current research is how successful countries have benefited from economic and commercial diplomacy in the field of national branding? The research method of the research is based on library sources, descriptive-analytical and has used a case study. Based on this, the three successful experiences of China, Turkey and Qatar in using economic and commercial diplomacy strategies to strengthen the national brand have been examined. Expanding trade with developing countries, attracting foreign investment, strengthening tourism, granting development aid, exporting technological products, participating in international economic organizations and forums, and using the competitive advantages of each country have been the main lessons learned from the experience of the selected countries, which can be used to promote The national brand of the Islamic Republic of Iran should be carefully considered.

According to the regional security complex theory, until 2003, the Middle East had an independent regional security complex with three security sub-complexes in Leavant, Persian Gulf and Maghreb. The changes that happened in the region, including the US attack on Iraq (2003), the Arab Spring (2011) and ISIS (2014), etc., caused a series of security forces to undergo changes and transformations. A new security subcategory is centered on the Kurdish issue. This has happened in the shadow of the increasing role of the Kurds in the Middle East, especially in the two countries of Iraq and Syria. Since 2003, within the framework of the Federal Republic of Iraq, the Kurds have had the opportunity to change their semi-autonomous government of the 1990s to a federal government under the name of the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government. On the other hand, the Kurdistan region of Iraq, as an emerging regional actor, has been trying to implement various development programs in the economic field. Although the economic situation of the Kurdistan region is better compared to other regions of Iraq, the aforementioned programs have faced various problems and obstacles. The upcoming article will deal with the various complications and difficulties that the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq is facing in terms of economic development. The main question is, what has been the impact of being in the crisis-producing region of the Middle East on the economic development plan of the Kurdistan Regional Government? By using the descriptive-analytical methods as well as the application of the theory of the regional security complex, we will find that the economic development of the Kurdistan region of Iraq is mainly affected by the power relations between the main actors and security interdependencies in the new Kurdish security sub-group. Therefore, the creation of an accepted role in this sub-group in the shadow De-escalation of political-security tensions and establishing balanced relations with various extra-regional and regional actors is the basic necessity of this.