جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "Discourse" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

After the victory of the Islamic revolution and with the formation of the interim government by Engineer Mehdi Bazargan, the gap, and difference between the revolutionary forces increased, which resulted in the resignation of Engineer Bazargan and going to the sideline and finally the removal of the national-religious movement and discourse from the political sphere of Iran. The space and field of politics in Iran in those years mainly based on impulsive actions and behaviors. The characteristics of this can be seen in the politics of exclusion, polarization, transformation, and internal communication action. In the current research, by placing this type of action as a basis, which is based on emotion, violence, instant decisions, and far from foresight and rationality, we are trying to answer the question of which causes or factors are the factors behind the formation of impulsive behaviors and actions and ultimately the removal of the interim government, and the liberal Nationalist discourse from the political field in Iran? In this regard, using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of action, we consider the removal of the provisional government and the liberal nationalist discourse in the field of politics and power (the most important field from Pierre Bourdieu's point of view) after the revolution as the result of the interaction and dialectical relationship between the field and the habitus of the actors.

This article aims to understand the geometry of power against the discourse of threats in the armed forces of J.A. in response to the question, what is the focal point of the geometry of power against the discourse of threats in the armed forces of J.A.? He has put his hypothesis on the fact that the focal point of the geometry of power against the discourse of threats in the armed forces of J.A. is based on the three axes of religiousness, following the constitution and obeying the orders of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief and In the emphasizing Jihadist management, rule of law and localization of defense equipment, the chain of equivalence of the geometry of power in the armed forces of J.A. is formed against the threat discourse.The method of the article is descriptive-analytical and its type is fundamental-applied. The method of collecting information is done by focusing on the document analysis method and by reviewing the existing texts. The results of the investigation indicate that the semantic system of the geometry of power in the armed forces of J.A. through emphasizing the points mentioned in the hypothesis of this article.It can neutralize the semantic system of the equivalence chain of the threat discourse, which is focused on the three axes of inflammation, fear and doubt, and preserve the authority of the J.A. system in the field of defense-security in the three sectors of defending the values ​​of the Islamic Revolution. Strengthen the country's territorial integrity and independence.

Around the Iranian Religious Intellectualism, as one of the thought focuses in the Middle East, there are various definitions and descriptions and challenges. This dispute in definition, has made, the tastes and various tendencies, each other, have different, contradictory and uncertainties for Iranian Religious Intellectualism. In the ahead article, the main question will be that, how is the formation and Discourse Analysis of “Iranian Religious intellectualism” and what is this formation of similar intellectual currents in the Middle East? The answer to this question is followed by the help of the discourse analysis method (Laclau and Mouffe). In the way that, “discourse” is also used as a theoretical framework and as a tool and method for analysis to reach its goal, which is a comprehensive explanation and a relative consensus on the concept of Religious Intellectualism. The research hypothesis is based on which Religious Intellectualism discourse has been a fluid state and different item of discourse analysis like points, hegemony and his others, are fluctuating in continuous and altered articulation. This discourse also in proportion to the intellectual flows of the Middle East (with a slight distance) follow common and meaningful patterns. The main achievement of this article will be from providing a discursive and provisional model in recognizing the “Iranian Religious intellectualism” flow (As a minor item and elective of the reformation of religious thinking in the Middle East).

For about a century, some Kurdish parties have faced the contradiction of "maintaining the integrity of Iran" and "respecting the Kurdish identity". Historical research indicates that this problem did not exist in Iran's past and it was formed at the same time as the conquest of the West and the beginning of oriental studies. This problem has caused a lot of problems in the field of macro-national policies; Problems that have not been systematically analyzed and require deep research in this field. The main question of the current research is: What role have Orientalists played in creating "the other" in the two discourses of Iranian nationalism and Kurdish nationalism? The hypothesis of the present research is: Oriental studies led to the construction of Iranian identity in a coherent ethnic group, namely "Aryans". In response to this issue, a Kurdish identity was formed, the main feature of which was independence. This situation provided a suitable space for the competition of two discourses and the definition of the other party as "the other". The findings of the research indicate that orientalists have played an important role in placing the two discourses of Iranian and ethnic nationalism in competition with each other and defining each as the "other" of the other party. In the studies of orientalists, Iranian identity was defined by emphasizing the Aryan race and the Persian language, and other racial and linguistic identities were rejected as temporary elements. Therefore, the attempt to homogenize the culture that was the result of oriental studies and foreign interference is one of the main reasons for defining national identity as another local identity and vice versa. The current research will examine the historical developments related to the research topic from a discourse point of view by using the discourse analysis method of Laclau and Mouffe. Data collection has been done by using library-documentary tools and has been analyzed by descriptive-analytical method.

The main discourses of Iran during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic revolution are Western and Islamic discourses. In these two discourses, there is a lot of ambiguity regarding the indicators of political development, and this issue has not been investigated in the framework of the discourse analysis method. The main question is the most important commonalities and differences between these two discourses. The most important difference is the presence or absence of the element of religion in their chain of equivalence, and that they look at political development with different central signifiers, and what they both have in common is affinity in the floating signifiers that find different meanings in the chain of equivalence of the two discourses. . The final goal of the article is to compare the approach of political development discourses during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic Revolution. To prove the hypothesis, the discourses of political development in this era were analyzed with discourse analysis and comparative methods. Pahlavi discourse emphasizes the indicators of political development in the framework of secularism and Islamic discourse emphasizes these indicators in the framework of religion. In Pahlavi's discourse, despite the desire for western models of political development, due to the existence of opposite elements such as popular participation and tyranny in the equivalence chain, the growth of political development indicators is not observed even in its western form. But in the Islamic discourse, political development as a floating signifier in relation to the central signifier i.e. authentic Islam, found a completely different meaning. In this discourse, due to the absence of signs of tyranny, as well as special attention to issues such as public participation, political development indicators have enjoyed significant growth.

The discussion of how the revolutionary bloc was formed in the second half of the Pahlavi regime is one of the important topics in the understanding and analysis of the Islamic Revolution. Proposed discourses; their connection; And finally, it deals with the victory of Islamism under the leadership of Imam Khomeini over other rivals. For this purpose, this article has focused its main question on how to develop revolutionary hegemony in civil society (1357-1342). The hypothesis of the article based on Antonio Gramsci's model is that the government is not based solely on coercive powers, but must achieve hegemony within the society by persuading the masses in order to have both legitimacy and authority. The findings of the research have shown that in the period between 1342 and 1357, the Pahlavi regime gradually lost its hegemony in the civil society, and in contrast to the revolutionary hegemony, it was developing in the civil society, until finally the regime was defeated in this war of positions and the Islamists were able to share the same ideologies. to defeat the rival (liberalism and Marxism) and the western discourse of the court. The research approach of cultural sociology and the method of data collection was library and documentary.

The state, as one of the most sophisticated social phenomena, has been a central focus of philosophers and scholars for centuries. From ancient times to the present, philosophical reflections and empirical research have produced an extensive and rich body of literature on the nature, typology, structures, functions, and evolution of the state. Despite numerous forward-looking studies—whether examining the state as a general form of social organization or in its various manifestations across different societies and countries—it remains a vital area of inquiry that has consistently been on the research agenda. However, the related studies have largely adhered to conventional scientific approaches, such as positivism and interpretivism. While these methods have yielded valuable insights, they are often doomed to have been heavily influenced by ideological tendencies or theoretical preferences, leading to results that are not always accurate and desirable. As a different line of inquiry, the present research aimed to assess the appropriateness of causal layered analysis (CLA) for future studies of the state, hoping to capture its complex dimensions, characteristics, and transformations. As an effective analytical method, CLA has gained popularity in the Iranian scholarly community in recent years. However, the related studies sometimes display misunderstandings and oversimplifications in both the introduction and application of the method.  In some cases, the ontological and methodological distinctions between the four layers of CLA are not properly considered, and the method is neither accurately presented nor applied. There are also instances where CLA is mentioned only in the title, while other methods are used in the body of the research. To address these shortcomings, the present study aimed to introduce CLA, highlight its distinct features and capabilities compared to other approaches in future studies and demonstrate its suitability for future studies of the state. The main research question is, how suitable is CLA for future studies of the state? The study also sought to address three sub-questions as follows:  What are the components and techniques of CLA? How does CLA differ from other methods in future studies? And what capacities does CLA offer for future studies of the state?

As a descriptive inquiry, the current study intended to provide a detailed explanation of CLA, while also exploring the general characteristics of contemporary states. Additionally, it examined the appropriateness of applying CLA to futures studies of the state. The data was collected from scientific documents, including books and articles, and analyzed through an inferential approach.

CLA was proposed to address the inadequacies of both evidential and interpretive approaches. It is based on the premise that human and social phenomena are highly complex, requiring at least four layers of investigation for a comprehensive understanding. The first layer, known as the litany, consists of the surface-level, everyday aspects of these phenomena, manifested in tangible dimensions and quantitative data. The second layer (the structural or systemic) covers more stable and general factors, including institutions, arrangements, and socioeconomic and political relations. The third is the discourse layer involving dominant worldviews and mentalities. Finally, the fourth layer (myths/metaphors) concerns the unconscious rooted in archetypes and myths. In CLA, each of these layers should be examined using a method appropriate to its nature. The first and second layers, being more objective, require objective data, quantitative methods, and statistical or structural analysis. In contrast, the third and fourth layers, which are more subjective, require qualitative data, interpretive strategies, and semantic analyses. Addressing all four dimensions and layers simultaneously, CLA has a great capacity for understanding both the current status and the objective and subjective factors influencing states' future, whether in general or within specific societies. The method offers a key advantage by encouraging researchers to move beyond one macro narrative to several different narratives, leading to a deeper and more reliable understanding of complex, multi-layered phenomena like political systems and states.

The application of CLA can offer valuable insights into the state's direction, trends, and prospects. However, this method primarily addresses broad prospective studies and lacks specific techniques and tools for depicting accurate scenarios of possible, probable, and preferable futures. To address this gap, it is essential to use complementary methods such as retrospection, morphology, and trend research, in conjunction with future thinking techniques like driver analysis, visioning, and scenario building.

Today, the issue of cognition and perceptual structure of society is very important and the possibility of changing the perceptual structure of societies, the ability to make many changes in social, political, cultural and other dimensions. The military is of great importance in societies and systems of government, especially authoritarian regimes. The present study is in the category of applied research in terms of purpose and in the category of historical research in terms of method. The data were collected by documentary method using fish capture tools and then analyzed with a qualitative approach based on discourse analysis. According to the results, the change in the social origin of the military personnel, their familiarity with the armies of Western countries, the dictatorial leadership, as well as facing a new discourse based on complete national independence, caused the army not to support the king as expected and even Actively accompany the revolutionaries in overthrowing it. How to change the dominant discourse structure of military perception is a topic that seems to have not been explored yet and could reveal new horizons in the evaluation of the armed forces.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of its republics had significant effects on the policies of the neighboring countries in various political, cultural, economic and social fields, so that each of the neighbors tried to establish deep relations with these countries based on their interests. In this regard, the Republic of Azerbaijan, as one of the newly independent countries, due to its geopolitical, geoeconomic and geocultural position, was able to attract the attention of countries such as Iran and Turkey in order to strengthen their relations with the government and people of Azerbaijan. Due to the establishment of secular governments in the Republic of Azerbaijan, Islamic movements have not yet been able to provide a suitable model for adapting their Islamic and national values. Therefore, the Republic of Azerbaijan is witnessing the confrontation of different discourses to model political relations. This research seeks to answer the main question, what is the contrast between the discourse of Shia political Islam, especially the discourse influenced by the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and the discourse of Turkish neo-Ottomanism in the Republic of Azerbaijan? The current research is based on the theoretical framework of the discourse and the application of the descriptive-analytical qualitative method. Considering that Shiite political Islam and Ottomanism each have elements and components of the same discourse, they can be analyzed in the form of discourse analysis. Discourse analysis can be considered as the discovery of apparent and hidden meanings in discourse streams that appear in different linguistic and meta-linguistic forms. The findings show that the discourse of Shia political Islam is an authentic discourse in the Republic of Azerbaijan and the discourse of Ottomanism is considered as a rival discourse. Thus, as we have stated, each discourse has a central sign and floating signs that make it cohesive. The central sign of Shia political Islam discourse is velayat al-faqih. Also, the floating signifiers of this discourse can be considered as republic and government, rule of law, justice, independence, freedom, anti-tyranny. On the other hand, the central signifier of the discourse of Ottomanism can be considered as liberal political Islam. This type of Islamism entered Turkey's political arena with the victory of the Justice and Development Party in the parliamentary elections of 2002. Liberal political Islam believes that the majority of Islamic rulings are in the field of individual rulings and issues, and Islam does not have a plan for political and social management, and only a small part of it is in the field of government. Liberal political Islam believes in the secularity of the Turkish government, but opposes the removal of religious symbols from public places, such as banning women's hijab in public places. They are not trying to establish an Islamic government. In fact, they have a kind of conservative Islam. Also, nationalism, secular government, democracy and balanced relationship with East and West are the floating signifiers of the discourse of neo-Ottomanism. Considering that the political system of the Republic of Azerbaijan is secular on the one hand, and on the other hand, it is considered the second Shia country in the world, the Islamic Republic tried to support the Shia people of Azerbaijan and finally strengthen its relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan. In this regard, it also took extensive measures, but the government of Azerbaijan, by changing its foreign policy approach, turned towards the Zionist regime, the West, and Turkey, and also narrowed the space for Shiite Islamists and tried to suppress them. For example, the Islamic Party in the Republic of Azerbaijan, despite the cancellation of its activity license by the government and the arrest of its leaders, has always shown that it has a high level of mobilization ability and enjoys relatively wide support. Therefore, it is considered a significant threat to the government and as a result, it plays an important role in the political life of this country. At the same time, Turkey is promoting and promoting its liberal political Islam model in Azerbaijan with the tendencies of neo-Ottomanism. The influence of the secular reading of Islamism and the religious tolerance of Ottomanism is growing among the young generation and Muslim intellectuals. Despite the restrictions placed on the Shiite parties, the government of Azerbaijan has not imposed any ban on the activities of secular Islamism in Turkey and on the contrary has officially supported them. In fact, this movement has kept itself away from any political confrontation and has pretended that it is not seeking to overthrow the political structure of Azerbaijan. In general, it can be said that there is a kind of indirect confrontation between these two political-Shia-Islam discourses based on velayat-faqih and the liberal political Islam of Ottomanism in the Republic of Azerbaijan.

A discourse leaving its own discourse order and entering the political discourse order takes place due to its stimulation by one of the active discourses in the political discourse order. The meaning of being provoked is that this inactive discourse is placed in an alienating relationship with the ruling discourse in the political discourse order, and the ruling discourse tries to find an identity by rejecting it. From the day of the constitutional revolution until today, different and conflicting narratives of the evolution of the concept of identity are presented. We are different types and forms of nationalism and sense of religious, cultural, ethnic and political belonging. IN this research, an approach and understanding of politics is presented in the form of the "discourse transformation" model, according to which, sociological developments and new orders in society and the liberation of the subject's abilities, which through the establishment of pre-identities Certain and completely objective social relations that have been suppressed. It is possible to appear. : Affected by the importance of central ideas in the field of individual and civil rights, as well as the centralization of new and critical thoughts regarding citizens' freedom and right to choose, witnessing an increase in the focus on citizens' individuality and subjectivity. [Individual] We are them.

Museums as social and cultural institutions, arising from the various discourses of the society and the goals of its founders, while interacting with diverse audiences, can also influence different strata of society. Institutions and cultural organizations use this communication capacity of museums to promote and spread the ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. "Famous house Museum" as one of the types of museums, can be related to these cultural values. "Shahid Beheshti House Museum", the residence of Ayatollah Dr. Seyyed Mohammad Hosseini Beheshti (1307-1360 AH) is one of these spaces that has been in use since 1392 AH. It operates in Tehran. While introducing and examining the components of the museum, this article tries to answer the following main questions: under the influence of which discourses does this museum represent the personality and life of Ayatollah Beheshti? Also, what are the other effective discourses in this house-museum? This research, while innovatively explaining how to use the theory of "Discourse Analysis of Laclau and Mouffe" to analyze the space of a museum and specifically "Museum House", also resulted in the following results the main discourse of the museum, about the personality of the house owner, in the position of "spirituality arising from The family of religious scholars is up-to-date, aware of the requirements of the times and a capable manager in building organizations. A discourse that has caused other aspects of Ayatollah Beheshti's personality and activities to be seen less. Also, the marginal discourse of this museum is the "Islamic Revolution Discourse" which Articulate few discourse elements with a faint structure.

The victory of the Islamic revolution led to the formation of the discourse of resistance as an alternative to the hegemonic discourse of domination, and it was able to move from a marginalized discourse to the context of developments.  One of the most important examples of this acting can be explained in the discussion of regional order. This article has analyzed the role of resistance discourse in regional order by using the discourse theory of Lacla and Mouffe and using explanatory-analytical method. The proposed hypothesis is that the discourse of resistance after the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran, with the creation of an Islamic discourse system, has been able to transform from a discourse marginalized by the discourse of domination into an active discourse in the context of regional and extra-regional policies, and with the negation of the hegemonic discourse of domination and non-compromise in contrast to its policies will create a new articulation, which ultimately has created a new pattern of high-efficiency order-making at the regional level. However, the discourse of resistance, while having structural, military, conceptual and ideological capacities, still has many challenges at various levels, domestic (such as economic challenges), regional (such as competing discourses) and extra-regional (such as the intervention of Western powers) that can seriously threaten its goals. The innovation of this article is explaining the regional regularization of the discourse of resistance while paying attention to its capacities and challenges.

Populism and its new form, neo-populism, which has a more radical argument than the former, have become a sociopolitical reality in European political literature, with its impact and sociopolitical power constantly expanding. However, the primary purpose of this study was to examine the role of public media and social networks in the rise of neo-populist movements in Europe, with a focus on France and Italy. With the decline of democratic movements and classical political parties in recent decades, especially in the last decade, these countries have gradually grown in importance in the rise of neo-populism. The results showed that social networks and public media have taken over as the primary venues for the promotion of such movements. Neo-populist movement leaders rely on the media as their allies or counselors and owe their power among the general public, especially among groups without in-depth political understanding, to the popular and yellow media. Such media have bolstered the sociopolitical strongholds of neo-populism by emphasizing clichéd or routine topics like nationalism, xenophobia, and portraying immigration as threats to the future of the people in the countries, as well as by promoting and spotlighting in a popular manner the corruption of political leaders who are in positions of power. It must be pointed out that an integrated quantitative and qualitative approach was employed concurrently in order to evaluate the trends of gaining power and the rise of neo-populist movements through the study of trends, dimensions, and quantities while also explaining the main research question.

 With the decline of government oversight of media enterprises, the emergence of sizable private commercial media, and the growth of social networks, which are currently garnering the most attention, special political movements have drawn the public’s attention and created their own distinct discourse in society, for or against one or more political movements, with the aim of establishing their hegemony with regard to the society they desire. This has been done by creating special content in line with their political beliefs, which is also in line with the intentions of the public in the society. Among such movements are the neo-populist movements that have gained popularity in European countries in recent years. In light of this, the primary research question is: How has the prevalence of social media and networks contributed to the formation and growth of nationalist populism, or the very neo-populism? The hypothesis is that social media and networks have played a significant role in shaping public opinion in order for the leaders of this discourse to come to power by acting as the primary representatives of the populace by influencing election campaigns, giving populist elites personalities, and widely disseminating their messages.

 The notion of discourse is one of the important and widely-applied ideas that had a considerable impact on the development of western sociopolitical philosophy. The present study’s theoretical underpinning is Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse analysis, which is based on two structuralist theories: Marxism and Saussure’s linguistics. According to this theory, the nodal point, the foundation of the signifier around which other signifiers congregate, serves as the central signifier. The concept whose importance is emphasized in other discourse analysis theories is the central signifier. As a result, in the presence of social gaps, the media can have a substantial impact on shaping public opinion, propagating myths, and reinforcing the empty signifier. This area’s importance is highlighted more than ever during a crisis. Aiming to strengthen the empty signifier that holds desirable ideals and a picture of the ideal society and the savior notions, contemporary media present different images and myths in an effort to highlight discourses that have previously been rejected and marginalized by the hegemony of the prevailing discourse.

This study employed Clifford Geertz’s thick description approach.

According to the findings almost no significant event can be found that is not influenced by the presence of media and its narratives, which have a considerable influence on the knowledge and perception of the general public. In recent decades, this has drawn attention to the notion of “being in the media.” In Europe, populism is a complicated, profound phenomenon that has a lengthy historical background. Neo-populism’s defining characteristic is primarily the focus on the structure or form of single-subject political action; members and leaders of neo-populist movements tend to focus their political and media strategies on one or several contentious issues, such as xenophobia, nationalism, and party corruption. This is due, in part, to the inherent simplicity of neo-populist themes and their straightforward appeal to the voters. Neo-populist movements support the original authority of direct democracy, the “people’s” will, the emphasis on the absence of any middleman in people’s decision-making process, and the promotion of referenda. The policies of these movements are typically the outcome of some type of agitation and dissatisfaction in a particular national setting, or what is known as the “constant mobilization of dissatisfaction,” in other words.
The effectiveness of social media and networks in fortifying the neo-populist movements as a strong and unbreakable bond is one of the key markers in this regard. In fact, recent years have seen a dramatic shift in European media systems. These changes have expanded the opportunity structure for the spread of populist ideas. In recent decades, factors including the declining influence of the traditional press, greater media ownership, reliance on advertising, and increased tendency toward news values in European countries have changed the landscape in ways that have favored the emergence of populist discourse. In addition to covering the aforementioned topic briefly in his book Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cas Mudde affirms and explains the strong linkages between commercial broadcasting and yellow journalism and populist viewpoints. He highlights the interconnectedness between populist media, parties, and movements, drawing inspiration from Carl Schmitt’s notion that friendship and enmity are the primary elements of politics. For instance, he discusses Jörg Haider, a well-known populist leader in Austria, and then quotes Ritterband: “Both Haider and the media depended on one another.”

   The purpose of this study was to examine the influence of social media and networks in the rise of neo-populist movements in Europe, with a focus on France and Italy. The findings indicated that nationalist neo-populist discourses in European countries and their respective sociopolitical domains influence the processes of yellow journalism and popular broadcasting on the one hand, and are influenced by them on the other. This is done with the intention of influencing public opinion, especially among social groups who lack comprehensive political knowledge of the country’s evolution. The results, in particular, showed that these political groups are able to influence public opinion by giving clichéd popular topics significance in their discourse and exaggerating them with the aid of the media. These issues are typically ignored by the ruling democratic movements. This is a valid reason, especially during election campaigns, for the propagation of populist movements’ and parties’ beliefs in order to sway the polling processes ahead of election day and thereby affect the outcome of the votes. To put it another way, political campaign leaders aim to influence people’s political beliefs and ideas in order to sway public opinion poll results months before election day and ultimately win the election.

As the founder of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Khomeini (RA) had a special view on the constitution and foreign policy, which created a deep transformation in the structure of the country's foreign policy, and has been examined in this research under the title of the discourse of political Islam.The issue of what position and role Imam Khomeini's (RA) political Islam discourse has had in formulating and developing the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is raised as the main question of the research. The impact of Imam Khomeini's (RA) views has been especially the central sign of his political Islamic discourse, i.e. "Islamism", and the major indicators of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran have been derived from his thoughts. (hypothesis)The findings of the research show in a descriptive-analytical way and with an analytical-critical view that the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is based on anti-arrogance, negation of mustache and honor. (research findings) The theoretical framework of the research is based on discourse theory, and the research method in this research is a library, and the data is extracted from books, articles and authentic documents. (theoretical framework and method)

In the field of Iran's foreign policy, many books and articles have been written by foreign and domestic thinkers. Studying each of them provides readers with a new understanding. Mohammadreza Tajik in the book "Foreign Policy : The Terrain of non-decision and non_ Management?!" has tried to investigate Iran's foreign policy in the form of radical displacement of discourses and the game of discourses. In other words, in addition to the description, he has also criticized the foreign policy. Although he has been successful in this matter, but due to the changing discourses, he has not provided a solution to solve the harms and issues of foreign policy. Also, in this book, he has focused more on the description of the propositions of the discourse. Idealism, economic pragmatism, and political-cultural pragmatism have been discussed, and the reasons and methods of formation and different institutions and organizations in their creation have been less discussed. Domestic and foreign policy during the reform period has made this book one of the important sources for understanding Iran's foreign policy.

The discourses have identity components in two dimensions, positive and negative, which is the factor of their ideological continuity and cohesion and their power of equivalence  chain. The equivalence chain of the discourse of resistance in the Middle East has a special dispersion and diversity in terms of politics, ethnicity and religion. The purpose of this research is to identify the identity-giving components of the equivalence chain of the resistance discourse in order to strengthen the ideological coherence and strengthen its identity and strength. Considering the continuity of the discourse of resistance with the discourse of shahid Soleimani and his irreplaceable role in the organization of resistance in the Middle East region, in the research, an effort is made to identify the elements of identity, which are the factors of cohesion and strength of this discourse. The research method is text analysis, extraction and classification of components into two categories of positive and negative identity based on the discourse theory of  Laclau and  Mouffe. Based on the speech of shahid Soleimani, resistance against aggression and, defense- based on Islam, the policy of the leader of the Islamic Revolution, fighting against oppression, emphasizing the culture of sacrifice, parts of the positive dimension and alienation with America. , the Zionist regime and their agents are the identity components of the equivalence chain of the axis of Islamic resistance in the West Asia region. Paying attention to them will strengthen its ideology, meaning system and identity of the equivalence chain.

The "Islamic State" group, known as ISIS, in the crisis situation of Syria and Iraq, by adopting a discourse different from other Salafist-Jihadist currents and groups and by claiming the formation of an Islamic caliphate in the areas under its control, expanded rapidly and was able to establish a quasi-state structure in this Create zones. ISIS changed its discourse from an identity discourse to a geopolitical discourse by choosing the "Caliphate" as its central sign. The repeated defeats of ISIS and the liberation of the two cities of Mosul and Raqqa from the control of ISIS in late 2017 disturbed the discourse of this organization, which was based on the occupation of the land. In the situation that ISIS's life as a quasi-state organization has ended, this article was written to answer the question, "What is the security threat of ISIS's developmentist discourse?" In order to answer the research question, using the content analysis method, this hypothesis has been investigated that "the center of gravity of the power of ISIS is the discourse of this group. For this reason, in order to maintain this center of gravity of power, ISIS has made changes in it according to the conditions and requirements of time and place. The findings of the article, while confirming the research hypothesis, show that ISIS, while being loyal to the central signifier and the floating signifiers of the previous discourse, has added new floating signifiers to its discourse and presented a new articulation of the signifiers.

Sense of belonging and identity in the context of "national identity" is a reflection of the transformations that took place in the modern era. Identity is understood as the influence of relationships between us and others. Identity needs difference to explain and establish its behavioral patterns, and in the continuation of each identity discourse, it transforms differences into an "other" or "outsider" in order to defend its scope and boundaries. In Iran, the Constitutional Revolution can be considered the starting point for the emergence of modern identity discourses in the social and political spheres. Therefore, the application of the concept of identity emerges in this period and its effects can be seen in all political and social events that took place in Iran. The main question of the present paper is: What has been the relationship between the subject and the discourse structures in the identity discourse of contemporary Iran? The hypothesis is that the subject and the identity are meaningful under the influence of the structure power from the Constitution to the Islamic Republic, so that in each period we see the subject weakening and disappearing, while over the last two decades, the role of the structure has gradually it become less and less. Importantly, in this period, subjects have a more active and serious role as carriers of identity. The innovative thesis of the present article is that in the last two decades, for the first time in the history of contemporary Iran, we have witnessed a decrease in the role of structures and strength of the role of the "personal subject" (in Touraine‎'s words). The method of data collection in the present study is documentation and data collection tool is taking notes from original sources.

The government of Etedal appeared in a hopeful social atmosphere and handed over power in an atmosphere of despair and mistrust. The appearance of the government of Etedal, in terms of discourse, was dependent on signifer such as negotiation, tact, expediency, flexibility, rationality, reality and moderation. There was. However, public approval declined shortly after taking office and eventually reached an all-time low. The question is, can the trend of Etedal in Hassan Rouhani's government be considered as a discourse? And what will be the consequences of emptying the signifiers of this discourse? The hypothesis is that because the main signifiers of the current of moderation were emptied of their meanings for some reason, the discourse articulation process was not completed and the discourse stabilization did not take place; Therefore, the flow of moderation cannot be considered a discourse. The consequence of not stabilizing the discourse of moderation and marginalization of moderate discourses can lead to an increase in the gap between the people and the government and lead to progressive antagonism by reducing social trust and hope.