مقالات رزومه نورالله قیصری

The main objective of this study is to present a theoretical model for explaining how one or more candidates or parties defeat their rivals and win in the national elections. Based on the framework of resource mobilization theory (RMT), different factors at different levels which determine the probability of the victory of a candidate in the presidential and parliamentary elections will be examined. The electoral resources—which are crucial to the success of candidates— include a collection of resource (e.g., explicit and hidden knowledge resources (KR), needs resources (NR), power resources (PR), influence and persuasion, moral resources (MR), facilitation resources (FR), and unforeseen resources (UR)). The relative importance and effectiveness of these six electoral resources are dissimilar. For instance, moral resources are the most sensitive and necessary requirements for entering an election race and remaining throughout the entire election cycle. Knowledge resources are second in importance, and their effectiveness primarily depend on a candidate's capabilities. The financial resources and social mobilization network are two of the facilitation resources which help to reduce a candidate's electoral expenses and/or increase his/her social and political capital. Among the unforeseen resources, the unfortunate events (e.g., wars, terror attacks, and economic crises) might provide opportunities for the conservative candidates, while the incidence of peace and favorable weather conditions often create opportunities for the reformist and change-seeking candidates.The author attempts to find appropriate answers to the following primary and secondary research questions: 1. How do candidates win the elections against their competitors in electoral competitions? 2. What resources are needed to win the elections? 3. How should these resources be mobilized? In the hypothesis of the present study, it is claimed that the victory of a candidate in an election depends largely on a combination of factors, notably the resource mobilization, the degree of success in persuading the voters and other stakeholders in the elections to support their candidacy, and the amount of luck resulted from particular unforeseen events with positive consequences for the candidate, or negative consequences for the rival candidates. Within the theoretical framework of resource mobilization theory, the method of data collection and analysis is based on a careful review and qualitative content analysis of the available evidence and the arguments presented in earlier studies on the subject of presidential and parliamentary elections and voting behaviors. The findings of previous research have indicated that the probability of success of a candidate is higher than the other competitors, when a candidate or his/her political party use the best way to mobilize electoral resources to persuade the voters and other actors in different stages of the election process—ranging from registration, qualification, debates, nomination, voting, post-election acceptance—to support him/her instead of other candidates. The main conclusion of the research is that the availability of the electoral resources is important, but their timely mobilization and allocation in the optimal way by a candidate and his/her supporters are crucial in persuading the key actors (i.e., the electoral officials who must approve his/her credentials, the media and powerful political parties and factions who must nominate and publicize their support for him/her, and the voters who vote) to act in his/her favor. Persuasion is the result of prudent resource mobilization, and luck is increased by the occurrence of unanticipated events with repercussions for the outcome of the elections.

 Identity discourses play a critical role in defining the self and the other, as well as the relationship between the two. Political actors use these discourses to determine their alliances and rivalries, making them a significant factor in political conflicts. In Iran, following the Islamic Revolution, conflicts among the political elites were minimal as long as they shared a common identity discourse. However, the emergence of adaptionist identity discourse of religious intellectuals replaced the return-to-self discourse, and had influence on some Left-leaning political elites, leading to fundamental changes in political conflicts. The previous research on political conflicts in Iran has largely overlooked the fundamental role of identity discourses in shaping conflicts among political elites. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the impact of identity discourses on the conflicts among political elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran during 1997–2019.  

Theoretical Framework:

 This research intended to examine the mechanism by which the evolution of identity discourses has influenced the conflicts among political elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Concerning the theoretical framework, the study employed the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe and the theory of the elite proposed by Lowell Field, John Higley, and Michael Burton. 

Resarch Methodology:

 The research methodology involved identifying structural similarities and providing causal explanations to explain the relationship between the variables.

  The research findings indicated that the emergence of adaptionist identity discourse of religious intellectuals and its influence on some Left-leaning political elites (modern Leftists) led to a decrease in structural and value convergence among political elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a result, conflicts among elite blocs during the period under study became more frequent, intense, and multifaceted, extending beyond the realm of discourse. In the adaptionist identity discourse of religious intellectuals, the central signifier, self, other, and the mechanism of othering underwent significant changes, compared to the identity discourse of the return-to-self, and influenced the modern Leftists. As a result, they defined a new movement identity for themselves and questioned not only the rival elite but also the value of existing institutions at the level of governance system. The emerging stances were influenced by the identity discourse of religious intellectuals accepted by some political elites, resulting in the transformation of othering mechanisms. These changes had a profound effect on the previously united political elites, leading to a shift in their structural and value solidarity. Consequently, conflicts arose over the advancement of political Islam or democratization. The social base of the Leftists also underwent changes, shifting away from traditional and lower strata towards the urban middle class and forming political alliances with forces outside of political Islam, such as Freedom Movement. Meanwhile, the traditional right responded to the discursive and organizational changes of their rivals through similar reconstruction efforts, which in turn intensified the conflicts among elite blocs. As a result, the relations among political elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran became increasingly divided and intensified over time. According to the analysis, the conflicts among political elites during 1997–2019 were centered on several key issues, including their attitude towards the Islamic Revolution and its existential philosophy, approaches to solving the country’s problems and promoting progress, orientation towards the international system, and management of cultural issues. Conflicts arose around these new bipolar issues, resulting in the formation of two opposing poles. One pole is characterized by evolutionist, justice-oriented, introverted, and conservative approach in foreign relations, while subscribing to maximalism in the sphere of culture. The other pole is thermidorian, libertarian, extroverted, and developmantalist in foreign relations, but with a minimalistic approach in the sphere of culture. The latter pole has grown in size following the events of 2009. Given the identity-based and discursive nature of conflicts among political elites and factions in the Islamic Republic, as well as their links to social cleavages and foreign relations issues, it appears that a clear path to resolving these conflicts in the short term is unlikely. To address these conflicts, the first step is to reconstruct existing identity discourses in a way that preserves the core of Iranian identity while also taking into account the emerging needs of society and incorporating them into the articulation of the Iranian identity discourse. Other steps that could be taken include empowering political factions, viewing political activity as a professional rather than a seasonal or electoral activity, promoting interaction and dialogue among elites and factions to eliminate their stereotypical perceptions about each other, improving the quality of elite conflicts by focusing on the country’s priority issues, promoting localism and indigenous thinking to solve the country’s problems, limiting the radical factions and giving more weight to moderate and convergent factions, and strengthening the political training of elites and activists in political factions. These measures should be considered by both political factions and governance institutions.

Studies show that "political expediency" is the most important determining factor in the domestic and foreign policy of the Islamic Republic. Despite extensive research in this field, these studies usually remain at the level of comparative jurisprudential study and provide a theoretical model based on the thought of Imam Khomeini is one of the important political needs of the country. Accordingly, in this research, using the "data foundation method", first the text of Imam Khomeini's letters and statements were referred to, and all the words that had a clear implication on the concept of political expediency were extracted and presented in a theoretical model. The results of this study show that Imam Khomeini, due to the fact that Velayat-e-Faqih represents the "royal and political" status of the Prophet of Islam (PBUH), considers it to have royal and governmental rules beyond the jurisprudence and sub-rules of Islam. Accordingly, expediency as a divine duty to get out of the impasse as a way to solve the problems of the Islamic government as the most important divine commands and therefore the leader of the Islamic community has the same authority as the Prophet and the Amir al-Mu'minin in government and the main authority to identify strategies and issues. There is Islam and the Islamic system. Expediency is a fluid and flexible thing that can change according to political and social changes and takes precedence over anything else in Islam. The reference or object is the expediency of the "political system or the Islamic Republic" and the end of the expediency is the "maintenance of the system".

Nowadays, the use of non-organizational capacities in order to optimize the organizational capacities of the police is an inevitable necessity in all societies; Therefore, it can be said that public participation is the monitoring of the identification of matters and events that have a strategic nature; Therefore, in order to achieve a relatively stable approach in explaining the strategies of order and security in the public arena and other areas that require relying on public participation, explaining the nature and theoretical foundations as well as the elements and coordinates of participation is of fundamental importance and is one of the sources. The main and reliable source for extracting guidelines is the thoughts and views of the intellectual leaders of the Islamic Revolution. Based on this, the present article was formed with the aim of answering the question that "what are the foundations, dimensions, elements and coordinates of popular participation in Imam Khamenei's view, and what are the requirements and strategies of this view in line with the police missions in the Islamic Republic of Iran." makes it binding". In order to answer this question in the present research, by presenting a model of the concept of popular participation and with genealogical method, the evolutions and applications of this concept in different fields are analyzed in the form of a qualitative content analysis of the text of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements and with a dialectical method in a two-way communication between The idea of ​​participation and the real thing of participation, dimensions and unseen components of this concept were represented and defined. Components, dimensions and constructive and related components under 10 categories of participation such as worldview or method, topic, goals, participant, quality, process and stages, field, works and consequences and results, stabilization and theoretical foundations of drawing and To the extent necessary and to the extent that it is sufficient for understanding the establishment of the single meaning of the word in the subject in question, it was explained that in comparison with the existing literature, it is a kind of deepening and development of the semantic space of this concept.

From Imam Khomeini's point of view, political expediency and the ruling of the government arising from it arise from the divine authority delegated to the Prophet of Islam and the governmental authority of a comprehensive jurist. It can not be considered an obstacle in the way of maintaining order. This is because the Islamic Republic is the most important reason for the preservation and survival of "pure Islam" in the world and the most important supporter of the deprived and oppressed in the world; From this perspective, its preservation is considered the most important divine obligation, and in case of monopolizing the preservation of the Islamic Republic in a specific way or tool, its use is permissible and even obligatory. This theoretical approach to political expediency provides a significant part of the soft power of the political system, during which it can maintain its political-security repression well. In fact, political expediency means a tool for the theoretical and cognitive threat of the enemy to reduce the possibility of exercising his hard power and increase the deterrence of the Islamic system. Accordingly, the Islamic system can increase its political and security deterrence without resorting to harsh power.

The study and analysis of the conflicts of political elites in the Islamic Republic of Iran, from the point of view of the impact of the evolution of identity discourses on these conflicts, is a subject that has not been seriously studied scientifically. Therefore, the main question is "how has the evolution of identity discourses affected the conflicts of political elites in the Islamic Republic?" It is assumed that the evolution of identity discourses has led to an intensification of the elite conflicts in the I.R.I by reducing the degree of structural and value convergency of them. in this research, using the method of "thinking with theory", it has been concluded that by accepting the changed identity discourse by the left elites, while they allying with elites outside the government and modern social strata, also employed new discourse and literature such as civil society, freedom, political development, and so on. finally, after discoursive and organizational reconstruction of the traditional rights, structural and value convergency of the elites reduced. Therefore, elite conflicts evolved typically and fuzzily. in this way, their relations changed from united to disunited, and over time, as a result of practical conflicts, their process intensified, so that they are now complex, dense and pluralistic, and have also polarized society.

Due to the constant concern of governments to collect and analyze data in the field of governance (internal and external), the unique capabilities of digital technology have expanded the capacity of governments to collect and analyze data on an unprecedented scale. Understanding the dimensions of this phenomenon and its positive and negative role in the governance of governments is very important. Governments that have accurate and comprehensive information monitoring, decisions and policies are made very carefully in them. We are also networked with society and consequently empowered by information and communication technologies. We are facing a new one that has made the form of government much different from the past and has doubled the importance of persuasive governance and attention to soft power in government policy .The present article seeks to answer the fundamental question: What effect has information technology had on the development of the capabilities of modern governments to collect and analyze information? In response, the hypothesis has been put forward that information technologies expand the capacities of strong modern governments and also because of the information society on the one hand and the visibility of society for modern governments on the other hand, the rule of strong modern governments It will lead to more use of soft power and persuasion.

Due to the constant concern of governments to collect and analyze data in the field of governance (internal and external), the unique capabilities of digital technology have expanded the capacity of governments to collect and analyze data on an unprecedented scale. Understanding the dimensions of this phenomenon and its positive and negative role in the governance of governments is very important. Governments that have accurate and comprehensive information monitoring, decisions and policies are made very carefully in them. We are also networked with society and consequently empowered by information and communication technologies. We are facing a new one that has made the form of government much different from the past and has doubled the importance of persuasive governance and attention to soft power in government policy .The present article seeks to answer the fundamental question: What effect has information technology had on the development of the capabilities of modern governments to collect and analyze information? In response, the hypothesis has been put forward that information technologies expand the capacities of strong modern governments and also because of the information society on the one hand and the visibility of society for modern governments on the other hand, the rule of strong modern governments It will lead to more use of soft power and persuasion.

One of the characteristics of strategic studies is that its concepts in addition to their cognitive function are a tool for advancing goals and programs related to order, security, and regulating public affairs. Therefore, defining its meaning context and its dimensions and elements are inevitably important to prevent cognitive errors. Issues such as “social security”, “public order”, “socialization of security”, “community-oriented police”, “community security” have raised the issue of social participation in strategic studies. Reviewing existing sources indicates that although there are a lot of interests in using this term among researchers of social and strategic studies, little effort has been made to clarify the meaning and define the meaning context of this word. The purpose of this article is to explore the concept of social participation and its related issues in order to compensate for this shortage and to extend the literature in the field. Social participation means the relatively sustained and necessary presence of the constituent elements of society - individuals, groups, communities, institutions and organizations- in processes, affairs, and social activities. Explaining the theoretical foundations of epistemology, axiology, pragmatics, ontology, and explaining the conceptual dimensions and components of the participant, subject, field, are all parts of the effort to expand the conceptual meaning of this word.

“What are the indicators of future police?” is a strategic question in designing the architecture of future NAJA. In order to stabilize and sustain the identity and organization, achieve efficiency, and wield authority in police, its qualities must be based on indicators such as authority and attraction, on the one side, and smartness, on the other side. These characteristics are derived from the requirements for operational environments, processes, and current and pending changes in economic, technological, social, political, and cultural fields. These processes lead to the change in the model of social behavior, the ability of social elements including groups and individuals, the emergence of new economic models and relationship, unknown crimes, and other changes like complexity and lack of trust. Smart police is the manifestation of NAJA organizational identity which results into the self-adaptation, progression, foresight, proficiency, efficiency, authority, and attraction in future smart space-time. This paper explains smart city as an operational environment or spatiotemporal future of police and the requirements for making police smart as its proposed idea of future police. This idea places police in a position which is different from the current indicators of complexity, chaos, variety, and lack of trust, enabling it to perform its duty and conduct its operations thoroughly, provide order and security, enforce law, fight with crimes, and safeguard the achievements of the Islamic Revolution. At the end of the day, police is going to be a smart force.

Elections are one of the most recognized characteristics of a politically developed society. However, a large number of countries have been unable to hold effective elections because of a variety of reasons. One of the countries which is considered, even by many outsiders, as an example of a successful country with regard to holding effective elections is Islamic republic of Iran. The country has been, from the beginning, one of the governments which has experienced and successfully held a large number of elections.In this system, the republic structure necessitates the appointments to be based on election so that legislative and executive posts are indicative of indispensable democratic characteristics of Islamic Republic of Iran. This prepares grounds for the active and extensive participation of the citizens, groups and political parties toward determining political destiny of the country through election.Imam Khomeini (RA), in his political, revolutionary, national and efficient theory, and with introducing the principle of the necessity of self-determination of destiny in each nation, stipulates that,” each nation should determine its own destiny”. In his view, this decision is not only politically necessary, it is also considered as a historical, global and philosophical tradition and law and is an objective and definite reality. Imam, also, believes that governments, their power and their efficiency originate in nations’ determination and their interests in their fate i.e. the government, election, the president, the parliament and other leading government organs and institutions of the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran are in accordance with national demand, and depend on general will and toward fulfiling their own country’s national interests.In this article, resources and theories of Imam Khomeini’s thoughts are studied with regard to the necessity of people’s political participation in organizing and governing the Islamic society.

Trying to secure the country and confronting the various threats that put country in danger or making disruption on its progress and development is one of the most important challenges for government. Therefore¡ improving components of internal power and promoting defense basement for protection the country in front of potential and practical dangers¡ is considered as one of the most serious priorities for governments politicians. Defense policy can be known as a comprehensive and practical big picture program toward attaining all of mentioned goals. Observations in last four decades show that I.R.I has been challenged a broad range of soft and hard threats¡ because of its outstanding position in term of Geopolitics or ideological and political coordination of Islamic Revolution¡ and in result it needs codification of defense policy proportional to its geographical situation¡ values and foundation¡ strategical goals¡ and finally affective environmental and ultra-environmental variables. The goal of this study¡ is to reflect the defense policy baseline of IRI in this area¡ using analysis of macro-politic texts. These documents¡ include Constitution¡ vision document¡ general policies¡ and general policies related to the five-year program of development. comprehensive deterrence¡ standard and defensebased¡ is the general principals of IRI defense policy¡ with focus on popular mobilization¡ independency¡ missile power development¡ sea defense and cyber defense. These are redefined and updated based on conformity with advent position and the threat type.

Election is among the criteria for distinguishing democratic system from other systems and the important parameters to evaluating and performance of these systems. Therefore the elections held in many different ways، including in terms of implementation quality، enforcer agencies، executives، supervisors، and quality of monitor and enforce، always of interest lawmakers، law enforcers and the citizens. Many factors play a role in the election that the roles and importance of each element depend to nature of the electoral system. In the electoral system of the Islamic Republic of Iran، the mechanisms of administrating of elections، is embedded on the basis of monitoring and enforcement، that each of which has been undertaken by different institutions. Continuous changes in the electoral laws and issues related to the legal election commission In the legal sphere of country''s show that despite numerous elections And continuous changes in election laws and gain useful experience in this field isn’t yet rightly specified desirable mechanism and pattern for election And hence the need to review the structure and procedures of the election is essential. This paper introduces a model for administrating election turning to Pathology of run elections in Iran. This study addressed the Election Commission and the role of the Election Administration from interior ministry to Commission In the context of the existing legal system، refers an alternative model of Iran''s elections administrator.

Security schools as explanatory approaches and theories of security،on the bases of different ontological،epistemological and anthropological theoretical foundations، represent different caractreistics and meaning of security…. of theories on the security policies and policy making،Security schools as explanatory approaches and theories of security،on the bases of different ontological،epistemological and anthropological theoretical foundations، represent different caractreistics and meaning of security…. of theories on the security policies and policy making.

Popularization, democracy, and democratic political regime have always been associated with certain demands and requirements, as the reality of a political affair in contemporary world suggests. These requirements, although parts of which are not included in the innate structure of popularization and democratization of politics and political regimes, are important in establishment and sustainability of the political situation. Organization of the political activities is among suchrequirements manifested in diversified forms in political practice. Political organizations are also diversified depending upon the culture and nature of political regime and ideology. In Iran, the Islamic Revolution, a popular revolution led by Imam Khomeini, put an end to the dictator regime of Shah. Establishment of the Islamic Republic system of government, that was based on and inspired by Islam’s religious codes and instructions and in line with realization of public demands inIranian society, marked a new age in politics that constituted its structure on public vote. As there were many diversified opinions in the early years after the victory of Islamic revolution on the nature and structure of the Islamic rule, opinions on the nature, function and structure of political organizations were also different. Imam Khomeini’s precise opinion on Islamic rule, who said “Islamic Republic, nothing more, nothing less”, and people’s majority “Yes” vote to the Islamic Republic system of government in massive turnout in March 1979 public referendum put an end to all debates on the nature and structure of the political system. But questions are still unanswered on the nature and structure of political organizations. This paper intends to shed light on the unknown and hidden aspects of this discussion through clarifying Imam Khomeini’s viewpoints. The research method in this paper is exploratory and analytical resting upon discourse analysis approaches.

Sustainable security is one of the topics of macro policies of the fifth development plan in the Islamic Republic of Iran؛ the explanatory and executive dimensions of which have not received due attention. Thus the main question of this article is: How is it possible to explain and implement the macro policies of sustainable security? Considering the contents of the general policies، the present article seeks to present a macro model in theoretical and strategic dimensions towards providing explanatory and executive preparations of implementing the above mentioned general policies. In the process of designing the prototype، expanding its parts، and defining its various auxiliary models، the article benefits from the method of formal and informal modeling separately and synthetically. The macro model obtained embraces auxiliary conceptual models، and executive scenarios in four fields i. e. conceptual، ideal، approach and action، offering the roadmap for explaining and implementing the policies of sustainable security. Sustainable security is the outcome of the correspondence of situation and system.