parya razmdideh

The light verb of "kӕrdӕn" has the most participation in the production of Persian compound verbs due to the fact that it can be empty of meaning more than other Persian light verbs in the process of lightenization and moves away from its meaning by combining with various words with different meanings and parts of speech to make various compound verbs. Therefore, compound verbs in conjunction with "kӕrdӕn" light verb have formed the largest share of all compound verbs in Persian. The present study aims at how Persian compound verbs with “kærdæn” light verb are formed, and identifying and analyzing the polysemy between them based on Construction Morphology (Booij, 2010a&b). To this end, the authors have used the concepts of Construction Morphology such as structural schema and sub-schema to show the polysemy in meanings in these compound verbs at the abstract level of schema. The data of this study, which includes a corpus containing 3326 numbers of compound verbs with “kærdæn” light verb, are gathered from Zanso dictionary (Keshani, 1994), Sokhan (2002), syntactic valency lexicon for Persian verbs corpus (Moloudi, Kouhestani and Rasouli, 2011), and Persian Calligraphy Spelling Dictionary (Sadeghi and Zandi Moghaddam, 2016). Findings show that in compound verbs with “kærdæn” light verb, we are faced with a kind of polysemy that can be explainable not at the level of concrete words, but at the abstract level of structural schemas. Also, a high-order structural scheme that is at a high level of abstraction, and below it there are more objective structural sub-schemas with verb formation patterns. They show the compound in different groups.

In this research, semantic frames and construction schemes of compound verbs with "dɑdæn" (to give) light verb has been studied to consider their polysemy. The data includes 382 compound verbs with "dɑdæn" as a light verb, collected from the sources such as Zansu Dictionary (Keshani, 1993), Farhang-e Bozorg-e Sokhan (Anvari, 2002), Syntactic Valency Lexicon for Persian Verbs (Rasooli et al., 2011), and Persian Orthographic Dictionary (Sadeghi and Zendi Moghadam, 2015). The semantic categorization of data is based on Farhang-e Bozorg-e Sokhan (Anvari, 2002). The semantic frames included syntactic valency, grammatical structure, and grammatical functions related to sentences with compound verbs in each semantic category, while the constructional schemas provided templates for making new compound verbs. The findings indicated that by using concepts presented in Frame Semantics (Fillmore, 1982) and Constructional Morphology (Booij, 2010a, 2010b, 2018), the relationship between constructional schemas and semantic frames can be established, and the existing polysemy among compound verbs with the light verb "dɑdæn" can be identified and explained. This analysis leads to a hierarchical and network-like structure of constructional schemes, providing a clear picture of abstract polysemy at the level of construction patterns.

The most common plural markers in Persian are /-hɑ/ and /-ɑn/. The former is mostly used in speech and the latter is more common in writing (MacKenzie, 1961, p. 50; Rokhzadi, 2011, p. 128). It has different forms in some Persian dialects influenced by phonetic factors. This research aims at investigating the plural marker in Ghayeni Persian within Stratal Optimality Theory (SOT) (Kiparsky, 1998a, 2000). In SOT, there are (at least) two layers. The order of the constraints between the layers can be different, which predicts the opaque relation between the input and the final output. In SOT, the output of each layer enters the next layer as the input along with the special affixes of that layer (if any), and this process continues until the final output is produced.  In Ghayeni Persian, which is spoken in the city of Ghayen in the province of South Khorasan, the suffix /-hɑ/ is not used at all, and the plural /-ɑn/ is present only in the phonological representation. None of the plural markers of standard Persian are observed in the Pronunciation of Ghayeni plural nouns. If the plural form of a word is expressed alone or the followed word or morpheme begins with a consonant, the consonant /n/ in the plural morpheme is deleted. The plural /n/ is not deleted in some cases. In this study, the phonological behavior of the plural marker is examined in words that end in consonant. The previous researches that have studied the plural marker in Persian have not examined the pronunciation of the plural from this point of view.

The present study aims at examining the patterns of Persian compound verbs formation with “ցereftæn” light verb and their polysemy based on Construction Morphology theory (Booij, 2010a & b). The data of this study which includes 300 compound verbs with the light verb "ցereftæn" are gathered from Zanso dictionary (Keshani, 1994), Sokhan (2002), syntactic valency lexicon for Persian verbs corpus (Moloudi, Kouhestani and Rasouli, 2011), Persian calligraphy spelling dictionary (Sadeghi and Zandi Moghaddam, 2016), and Persian online dictionary. To explain the polysemy between the compound verbs and to recognize their construction pattern, by accepting the idea of using the concept of structural scheme and sub-scheme, all meanings to each pattern of formation of these verbs in the form of sub-scheme was drawn separately. However, these structural sub-schemas were at different levels of abstraction. According to the concepts of default inheritance, the motivation and hierarchy of lexicon, all structural sub-schemas were placed under a high-order general abstract scheme. The results showed that the polysemy analysis of linguistic units within construction morphology framework, cognitive approach, construction-based and "word-based" which occurred at the abstract level of the structural scheme. For compound verbs formation with “ցereftæn” light verb, seven general structural schemes were identified and plotted, each of which was divided into several structural sub-schemes. Finally, a complete network and hierarchy of these construction schemas were presented.

Clitics are linguistic units that have both some characteristics of words and some of the dependent morphemes. Therefore, identifying and examining them in different languages is one of the most interesting linguistic issues for linguists. Persian language is no exception to this rule. Thus, the aim of the present study is to determine and describe clitic pronouns in Ghayeni dialect based on Aikhenvald’s criteria (2003). The data have been collected by descriptive-analytical method, using different sources of Ghayeni dialect and recording free speech of 20 native dialects living in Ghayen and also the intuition of one of the authors. Clitic pronouns in this dialect include the object and subject clitics - (d)e, as well as third-person attached pronouns. The results indicate that object clitics refer only to the inanimate singular object and are added to the transitive verb in all persons and tenses when the object is not present. Subject clitics refer to the third person singular verb (mostly animate) and are added to the singular third person verb at all times when the subject is not present. In the case of agreement system, the conjunctive system prevails in this dialect only when it has a passive role in the sentence with the singular third person verb, (d)e-; In this case, it has the same marking as the intransitive verb and a different marking with the transitive verb. Here clitic personal pronouns only include third person pronouns. Clitic pronouns were validated according to Aikhenvald (2003).

The process of Reduplication, due to its importance, has attracted very much attention from linguists in recent decades The present research aims at describing and analyzing total reduplication processes including added medial and final total reduplication and echo reduplication (changing the initial consonant or vowel of reduplicant) in Ghayeni dialect based on Parallel Optimality Theory (POT), in particular Stratal Optimality Theory (SOT). To this end, the considered reduplicative data were gathered based on Shaghaghi reduplication model (2000, 2018). To analyze some data, we need to predict the correct output through some levels to consider the morphological derivation correctly. Since POT has a one-level (input and output) nature, it is unable to explain some reduplicative data. So, SOT, with no limit on the number and kinds of levels, is used to analyze the medial and final added total reduplication. In the present study, the final added total reduplication is considered in two stem levels in which ONSET is on the top of constraint ranking. Since the final consonant of the base undergoes germination, in the medial added total reduplication using enclitic /o/, two levels of stem and word are required. In the medial added total reduplication, the constraint ranking is only different in stem level (a) because the type of reduplicant (echo or non-echo) is determined in this level. But in the next levels, stem level (b) and word level, which undergoes germination and resyllabification, constraints have the same ranking. The results show that SOT presents a more obvious analysis of the mid-levels in the medial and final added total reduplication.

“nɑme”-last complex words have rarely been examined in Persian morphology. In this study, examining the function of “nɑme” in the word-formation of Complex words which is embedded as a shared constituent, the polysemous patterns have been analyzed in the framework of construction morphology (Booij, 2010). To fulfill this purpose, 102 “nɑme”-last complex words have been gathered from 3 Persian dictionaries including Zansoo (1994), Sokhan (2003), and Dehkhoda (1999) which have been classified in 12 extensions of meaning, adopting generalized holistic constructional schema which govern less abstract subschemas as meaning extensions derived from conceptual mechanisms. Achievements depicted that image schemas, metonymy, and metaphor are the chief forces in getting “nɑme”, polysemous in the examined complex words. Additionally, the other possibilities such as bound meaning in terms of constructional idiom, hierarchical lexicon, and default inheritance contributed by construction morphology indicated that “nɑme”-last complex words are governed by the so-called constructional idiom as a kind of constructional schema in which a fixed lexical unit with bound meaning is embedded. This justifies how “nɑme” is positioned in the fuzzy boundary between compounding and derivation as a “affixoid” which is grammaticalizing.

Language acquisition naturally takes place in a certain space of time in typically developing children, but this is different in children with Autism spectrum. In Autism spectrum disorder, the child’s speech is defective for some reasons, and, in fact, language acquisition is accompanied by a deviation from language development. The present study aimed to provide a comparative study of the comprehension and production of inflectional categories of noun including number, definiteness, case, and possession between 7-9 year-old high functional autistic Persian-speaking children and their typically developing peers.

In the current study, the research data were gathered through three sub-tests: grammatical understanding, sentence imitation, and word production of Persian Told test. To this end, 15 typically developing children from ordinary schools and 15 high functional autistic children from Autism school in Kerman city were asked to answer the tests. Then, SPSS software, version 22.0, was used running t-test to compare the means between the groups.

The research results showed that the comprehension and production of inflectional categories of noun in typically developing children were higher compared with those with high functional autism and there was a significant difference between the typically developing children and children with high functional autism in comprehension and production (P<0/05).

It seems that the typically developing children have a better performance in understanding and producing inflectional categories of noun compared with children with high functional autism.

One of language learning difficulties for Persian speaking learners is the pronunciation of sounds that do not exist in their mother tongue. These sounds include English consonants /w/, /θ/, /ð/, and /ŋ/. Due to the interference of the first language (L1) and the second language (L2), most Persian speaking learners replace the unfamiliar sound in L2 with a similar one in L1. This research, adopting a descriptive-analytic approach, aims to investigate the substitution of each English consonant with their corresponding consonants in Persian through argumentation around their constraints and ranking of Optimality theory in order to avoid interference in the later stages of language learning. To this end, 50 seventh-graders (middle school students) were randomly-selected from those who had not previously attended any English class outside school. Then they were asked to read 10 sentences containing at least 2 words with one of the English consonants /w/, /θ/, /ð/ or /ŋ/. The results show that these students substitute English consonants /w/, /T/, /D/, and /N/ with their corresponding counterparts in Persian [v], [t], [d], and [Nɡ], respectively. In some cases, depending on the consonant position in the syllable, they are replaced by another similar consonants in Persian, as [s] and [z] instead of /T/ and /D/ at coda position.

Causatives are part of minds universalities and they are always expressed in all languages. Among several available methods for encoding causative notion, morphological, lexical, and analytic causative constructions are common in languages. But the frequency and amount of their occurrence are different among them. This research aims in describing and analyzing different types of causative constructions in Azeri Turkish based on Comrie (1989) typological model and knowing about the methods it uses for causativisation. This research's language variety is spoken in west-north of Iran in Ardabil, eastern and western Azerbaijan provinces. The data are mostly gathered via documental method and interviewing 10 informants (5 males and 5 females) from illiterate to educated levels in the ages 45-80 years old. The results show that based on the prominent typological views, it can be said in Azeri Turkish language in addition of using morphological, lexical, analytic, compound, and discoursal causatives, morphological causativization is much more generative than the others due to agglutinative nature of this language, and potentially every non-causative predicate can change to causative by adding causative morpheme.

Introduction Many Arabic loanwords have been adapted by Persian and its numerous dialects.Some of theseloanwords have uvular consonants including the voiceless stop /q/ and the voiced fricative /R/ both of which were replaced by the single phone [G] in standard Persian. However, as /R/ is a phoneme in the Roudbari Persian dialect it is not replaced by any sound.This research aimed at explaining each of these sound substitution processes within the framework of Optimality Theory (Hereafter OT) put forward by Prince and Smolensky (1993/2004).
Methodology The Roudbari data were collected by one of the researchers by recording the voices of several male and female native speakers. Then the data were analyzed to indentify the phonological processes and contexts in which they occurred. The phonological processes that occur in the substitution of uvular consonants of Arabic loanwords in standard Persian and Roudbari dialect were analyzed within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 1993/ 2004). In doing so, the constraints that caused these phonological processes were identified or formalized in case they did not exist in the OT literature.
Conclusion Sound substitution is a process whereby a phoneme in a loanword is replaced by its closest phone in the borrowing language. In OT loanwords are subject to the same universal constraints; however their rankings are subject to the phonology of the borowing language.
Many Arabic loanwords with uvular consonants including the voiceless stop /q/ and the voiced fricative /R/ have been adapted by Persian and its numerous dialects. Both of these consonants are replaced by a single consonant, the uvular voiced stop [G], in the standard Persian. Unlike the standard accent, /R/ is a phoneme in the Roudbari Persian dialect. Therefore, it is not replaced by any sound. However, neither /q/ nor /G/ exists in the Roudbari dialect phonemic inventory. Hence, /q/ in the syllable onsets of Arabic loanwords is replaced by [k] and [c] in environments preceding [涧] and [-back] vowels respectively. Besides, word- final /q/ is replaced by [c].It presents arguments in favor of constraint rankings which cause the occurances of these processes. Moreover, it comes up with a single inclusive ranking of constraints that is capable of explaining the replacement of Arabic /q/ by [k] and [c] in all the three environments in Roudbari dialect.

The purpose of the present article is to investigate some phonological processes such as consonantal fronting, spirantization, initial insertion, non-contiguous assimilation, debuccalization, stopping and final devoicing in Roudbari language variety (Islam Abad), within the framework of optimality theory (Prince and Smolensky, 1993; 2004). This research was carried out based on a descriptive-analytic method. To collect data, 10 native informants (5 women and 5 men in the ages from 45 to 80, from low literate/ illiterate to educated) have been interviewed. Also, some available sources on Roudbari language variety were used. To investigate, describe and analyze the data, the most important dominant constrains over optimal surfaces have been explained for each of the phonological processes examined in this research within the given framework of optimality theory (Prince and Smolensky, 1993; 2004). These explanations have been provided through giving the reason for constrains responsible for the occurrence of these processes and their rankings. Description and ranking of constraints indicate that constraints *G and ONSET are never violated and always are posited at the highest rank of optimality tableau.