نشریه پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران
پیاپی 33 (تابستان 1401)

The phenomenon of “spatial boundary”– among the main components of spatial property– has held an essential role in creating, consolidating, protecting, and identification of sustainable human-constructed environments and semi-sedentary behavior settings, from the early Holocene until now. Features and their determinant material culture are as the data, and the data are constrained in archaeology yet recognizable from the structural aspect. Ethnography, environmental psychology, and architecture suggest the diversity and various exposed and concealed arenas of this phenomenon in the traditional behavior settings. Theme of how the recognition, interpretation of the parameters, and the triple aspects of territory have been in prehistoric behavior settings is inadequately addressed. Due to the limited sources of archaeological literature according to different variables, the previous studies have only partially investigated the concept of assert. Recognition and understanding of the concept of territory is feasible in the light of analogy between the archaeological data and the findings of the behavior traditional settings in the framework of ethnoarchaeology and its practice-oriented reasoning. Middle East is among the pioneering regions in such investigations. Article is a qualitative research relying on archaeological and ethnography samples, it relies on description, analysis, and interpretation from the viewpoint of methodology, and it is an ethnoarchaeological study based on reasoning’s general comparative and structural analogies in terms of method. It is investigated based on observations, interviews, and documentary analysis in dynamic and static contexts. Study results indicate that the parameters and aspects of territory have been present in both archaeological and systemic contexts, and they are perceptible and interpretable through the middle range theory. It would be helpful in both objective and subjective viewpoints for the capability of archeological interpretation of how the different social and spatial human-constructed environments are accessible.

Qarehdagh region and Ahar city, which is located in East Azerbaijan (northwest of Iran), has different ancient sites and cultures. Archaeological studies and chronological table of northwest of Iran have been formed mostly based on archaeological data of the Urmia Lake Basin and extended to other regions of northwest of Iran and the position of other regions, including Qarahdagh region unknown in its cultural sequence remains. Since this area is located among the South Caucasus region, Moghan plain and the Lake Urmia basins of and Ghezel Ozan, it can play an important role in explaining and distinguishing the Neolithic, Chalcolithic periods of the region. And together with the comparison and analysis of recently obtained archaeological data of the region, present a relatively novel result. In order to understand the prehistoric cultures of the region (cultural periods), the following questions are raised: 1- How the chronological sequence of this region is explained according to cultural periods? The main hypothesis related to this question is the existence of Late Neolithic periods and Late Chalcolithic 2-3 (LC2-3) in the Ahar basin; 2- Which cultural features are understood from the common and uncommon cultural elements links (cultural interactions) of the northwest of Iran, including the Moghan plain and the other regions in terms of archaeological data and chronology of the mentioned periods? The present study has been carried out using descriptive-analytical study of archaeological data and data collection is based on field surveys and library studies with the aim of clarifying cultural horizons, the period of residence in the sites and completing the chronological table of the area. As a final point, it can be said that the pottery of the mentioned periods shows similarities with other regions of northwest of Iran, especially with the Urmia Lake basin. Due to the vast dimensions of the studied sites and other archaeological data, it is inferred that the settlements were seasonal and probably used limited by ranchers and nomadic communities.

Silakhor plain in the north of Lorestan is one of the important areas of Central Zagros, which has many settlements related to the chalcolithic age. Investigations and studies conducted in this plain have so far shown 80 ancient sites related to the chalcolithic age. The data of this research was taken from the survey and identification that took place in 2005 in the Silakhor plain, as well as re-examination and supplementary survey of the authors from this. In this research, 51 representative pottery samples from the chalcolithic age pottery in the area of this site have been studied typologically. In this research an attempt has been made to answer the question that how the typological comparison of chalcolithic age pottery of Silakhor plain can be effective in regulating the chronology of the region. The typology and comparisons made in relation to the pottery of this period in the Silakhor plain show that the common pottery cultures of the chalcolithic age in this area are affected by the developments in the northern regions of Garin-Kouh and Sefid-Kouh (Kangavar Vally). Therefore, the chronology of Kangavar Vally in the chalcolithic can be extended to the Silakhor plain as well as on other hand, the typology of pottery types in this research can be effective in understanding the cultures late chalcolithic period and in the Bronze Age. The typological similarities of the chalcolithic pottery of the Silakhor plain with the pottery of the Godin III period show the chalcolithic and, consequently, the Bronze Age. After studies conducted on the collected pottery, 51 pottery samples, which were more representative, were separated and studied further. In this regard, we have tried to present at least one example of each pottery sample in this article. The collected samples represent that early, middle and late periods of the chalcolithic age in the Silakhor plain.

During Early Late Chalcolithic period at the end of the fifth millennium BC, It has been claimed that an event has occurred in the West Iran to be seen by a severe decline in the number of residential areas and functioned to bring a shift by which the sedentary societies were changed to the more mobile pastoralists using open-air or cave areas instead of large occupational sites. But review of archaeological investigation carried out recently in west of Iran challenge this hypothesis.  Recently there have been a number of field activities on the LC sites in western Iran are showing that at the end of fifth millennium BC, in the Zagros region there has been not only an indication of drastic decline in settlement areas but instead this area would be experienced a dense population growth. In addition there are some hypothesis regarding the formation, settlement pattern, pottery, chronology and… that did not fix with recent studies. This uncertainty raised many questions regarding this study. So in order to response to this question and give a new view to the archaeology of early late chalcolithic period of western Iran, the data of this period(particularly the well-known Godin VII period) has been investigated. The result showing that not only there is not a severe decline in the number of residential areas, but early late chalcolithic period cultures of western Iran had developed. Also, the Godin VII culture is not limited just the east of Central Zagros and extended beyond this region. Many areas at the north of central Zagros in Kurdistan province had Godin VII culture. At the east also this culture extended to the eastern edge of central plateau of Iran like Qazvin region. Regarding the importance of Godin VII period as it corresponding the early urbanization in Mesopotamian world, it should pay more attentions by archaeologists.

shell A type of seashell called Cowrie, which in Persian is called by several names such as “Gajak” or “Kojak” and... So far, in many ancient deposits from the third millennium BC to the first millennium BC, mainly in the form of personal ornaments with the deceased and in some cases from the places of worship in large numbers, has been obtained. In all published reports, the mere accompaniment of these objects with other personal ornaments has introduced them as personal ornaments, while the question arises as to how this decorative tradition has remained for more than five thousand years. Given that some of today’s indigenous peoples believe beyond the aesthetic aspect of shell; These beliefs can be considered remnants of more ancient rituals? Based on this, it is hypothesized that the continued use of a non-indigenous object over time is related to a religious-ritual belief. Why at the same time the scope of such a phenomenon in the form of use in prayer and burial contexts not only in the cultural borders of Iran but also in large areas of the Eastern Levant and the Middle East has already been reported. Field ethnographic study of some indigenous peoples in western and southwestern Iran shows that these objects are used only for children regardless of gender and in adults only for women, which indicates the existence of a kind of gender and age taboo for it and belief The association of these objects with the person, in addition to the special aesthetic aspect, causes the repulsion of an evil eye They eliminate imperfection and attract goodness and blessings. This phenomenon is seen in ancient textures in the form of shell in the graves of women and children in excavation reports. But there is no sign of the use of these shell as a dignified commodity that belongs to a certain class of people in society. In a comparative analysis on the goals envisaged for this Kajak in both the contexts of ethnology today and contexts of ancient attitude toward ritual and spiritual practice, this assumption is approved only aspects of belief has caused Kajak shell has been considered for a long time and have been transported as a precious commodity by a commercial network from the coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean to parts of the Iranian plateau.

Although the terms psychological warfare and propaganda are relatively new, the concepts are very old indeed. Both have a lengthy history in the ancient Near East where they were practiced for thousands of years before the Persians arrived on the scene. One of the tools for the stability of ancient ideological systems was propaganda. The Neo- Assyrian and Achaemenid Empires also used propaganda to advance their ideology and maintain their power and authority. How the kings of Neo- Assyria and the Achaemenids portrayed or described themselves and liked how other lands or people saw or understood them shows using propaganda in their written and visual documents and evidence. Undoubtedly, in the royal contexts of Neo-Assyria and the Achaemenids, they did not depict or write all the facts so that their ideology would not be harmed and their power, authority, and legitimacy to rule over the vast people and territories of their Empires would not be compromised. They portrayed or described a self-image that frightened the subject people and lead to their submission, or impressed them by showing and describing the glory and greatness, and the universal order and dominance of Empire. This research using written and visual sources and evidence of the royal contexts of Neo-Assyria and Achaemenid examines the tools and goals of propaganda, their intended audiences, as well as propaganda methods and strategies, especially in inscriptions and architectural reliefs, and identifies similarities and differences. The fundamental differences between Neo-Assyrian and Achaemenid propaganda is the emphasis on violence in the royal ideology of the Assyrians Empire.Tools such as royal reliefs, steles, seals, coins (Achaemenid period), and inscriptions were ancient media that communicated with their specific and universal audiences and directed their thoughts and minds, and Assyrians and Achaemenids were aware of their influence and used them in their propaganda.

Burial is part of the spiritual and material culture of each nation, which has its own characteristics in each region and period. Since the burial method originates from the thoughts, ideas and culture of the society, by studying them, it is possible to reconstruct the process of cultural evolution of ancient societies. Studying burial practices and rituals has always been of the interest of researchers in the Sassanid field, and as a result of the researches, we see diversity in the burial practices of this period. Archaeological survey at the Bavanat River Basin, which took place in 2015, revealed evidence of two burial methods, including cairn burial or Khereft Khane, as well as pillar ossuary. Considering the variety of burial methods of this period in Fars, what were the burial methods of the Parthian and Sassanid eras in the Bavanat and what are the characteristics of the burial places? Therefore, the current research with a comparative-descriptive approach tries to explain the burials of the historical period of Bavanat in order to answer the raised questions. On top of the most of the Bavanat River basin Mountains, cairn burials have been identified that have a circular plan and are accumulate with stones of various dimensions with no mortar. Due to the wide distribution of cairn burials from Pakistan to southwestern Iran and the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, different chronologies have been provided for such burials, however, according to the cultural materials obtained from other parts of Fars and comparing them to identification burials, this type of burial can be attributed to the Parthian and Sassanid periods. There are different opinions about the function of the second type of burial, pillar ossuary that according to the inscriptions obtained around of the city of Istakhr, they can be considered as having a burial function related to the Sassanid period that were identified at Pahneh Mil Fenjan and Cheraghkoshi sites.

Tylos Island, which is known as Bahrain, has located on the eastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula. It plays a special role in preserving the economic life of the Persian Gulf. The first identified settlement of Tylos Island dates back to the 5th and 6th millennium BC. Arriving of Alexander’s successors to the region in 4th century BC, the island was strongly influenced by the Hellenistic culture and was mentioned as Tylos in written sources. With the rise of the Parthian and Sasanian powers, the expansion of commerce in this region along with other northern and southern islands of the Persian Gulf was supported by the kings. Today, in the archaeological literature of southern parts of the Persian Gulf, following the Greek word for Tylos, the use of the term Tylos period has become in common. According to some scholars, this period historically includes Alexander’s dominance of the Persian Empire in the late 4th century BC until the emergence of Islam in the 7th century AD. According to historical reports and archaeological evidence, the use of term Tylos culture for this one-thousand-year period needs more consideration. The purpose of present study is to identify status of Tylos Island during the Partho-Sasanian period and to recognize its position regarding to the effective presence of Iranian cultures in the region. Based on the archaeological evidence & comparative studies, it is suggested not to use the term of Tylos period when the Parthian and Sasanian powers emerged in the Persian Gulf.

Gypsum is one of the oldest materials that has been used in Iran from about 14,000 years ago until today. In the Sassanid era, the extensive use of gypsum in the construction and decoration of buildings and the production of various artifacts is a prominent feature. Despite the great evidence of the use of gypsum in different periods and extensive research on Sassanid tore, no scientific and archaeological evidence has been reported from the workshop units related to gypsum baking and processing until 1393 AH. In the spring of 2014, from the excavation of the Sassanid site of Barzqualeh in Lorestan, a workshop unit was discovered, and evidence showed its function as a kiln for baking gypsum. The importance of this finding as the first known example of such a workshop in Iran and the Sassanid era caused it to be addressed in this article. The main purpose of this study is to describe the process of discovery and introduction of the workshop, inform researchers, and compensate for the lack of information about this type of workshop. The most important research questions include: 1- Where are the gypsum baking workshops set up in the Barzqualeh area? 2- What variables were effective in choosing the place and form of their construction? 3- What patterns and components are included? The hypotheses were that due to the environmental conditions and its gypsum formation in the northern and northwestern parts of the city, it was possible that there were gypsum baking workshops in these parts. Variables such as frequency, ease of access, and proximity of mines to the city, constant water flow, the presence of inter-valley terraces, sufficient fuel, wind flow in the valleys were effective in choosing the construction site. Their construction plan is probably circular or multifaceted and has a firebox, ventilator, and raw material loading site. The present study is a descriptive-analytical method and is based on the results of archaeological surveys and theoretical studies.

Sefid Chah Historical Cemetery is one of the largest and oldest cemeteries of the Islamic era, whose oldest tombs date back to the early Islamic centuries. Sefid Chah village is in the Yanehsar section of Behshahr city in Mazandaran province. This study aims to sondage and set the limit of this area, analyze the tombstone motifs, and compare it with other similar cemeteries in other parts of Iran. One of the questions of this research is the main reason for the burial sequence during different periods in this cemetery? Moreover, what was the reason for the importance of this cemetery for the people of this region? The present research hypothesis in answer to this question is that due to its mountainous and impassable Yaneh Sar, this region has been a haven and refuge for the opponents of the Bani Umayyad and Bani Abbas governments since the beginning of Islam. Therefore, this region is the burial place of many shrines. Also, the people from the distant past believe that due to this region’s high lime and soil type, their corpses decompose late and last longer, and for this reason, it sanctified from the distant past. In this research, using sondage, surface survey study, and objective observations, have been determined to set the limit of cemetery and analysis of the tombstones of this historic cemetery. The results show that most of the tombstones in this cemetery include Islamic, geometric, and symbolic motifs. Its monuments are very similar to the tombstones of Darul Salam Cemetery in Shiraz and Nahar Khoran Cemetery in Gorgan. Due to no discovery of cultural materials, this area has been used only as a cemetery since the early Islamic centuries.

Unlike Sasanian period, we haven’t got more information about Zoroastrian burial customs in Islamic period. The early Islamic funerary inscriptions give some information about burial practices in this period. The Yazdgerdi calendar dates on these epitaphs provide an absolute date for them in the first three centuries of the Islamic period. Until recent excavation at Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan weren’t any evidences of Zoroastrian burial customs in Middle Islamic period. In Archaeological excavation of Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan a roofed tower of silence was discovered. Model of this structure before have been found in Bandyian in Dargaz from Sasanian period. In this paper tried to answer three questions about structure and burial custom. What is exactly the feature of Zoroastrian burial custom in Middle Islamic in Iran? What are mutual and different features between Tepeh Qaleh Khalachan and Bandyian towers of silence? What is precisely important of this roofed tower of silence in archaeological studies of Islamic period? Because some mutual features has been supposed influence of Bandyian on Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan tower of silence. Besides, Zoroastrian mirror communities had Some influences on burial customs. Methodology of present paper is analytical descriptive. Archaeological data of Tepeh Qlaeh Khalachan and Bandyin have been investigated and at the same time, library resources about Zoroastrian burial customs, towers of silence and Zoroastrian communities in Islamic period have been studied. This paper showed tower of silence was a burial custom in Middle Islamic in Iran and had some mutual roots with Bandyian ones. Best example of these mutual features is a roof on these two towers of silence. What it shows roofed towers of silence continued to Middle Islamic period in Iran. Hence it is plausible if someone supposes towers of silence in Yazd, Kerman and Rayy are belonging to the second generation of towers of silence in Iran what is dating to after Middle Islamic period.

At the time of Muzaffarids (Ilkhanate), since this area of Iran (Yazd) which was a considerable part of the country, was spared from the deliberate destruction of Mongol people. It can be expected that there have been continuous construction activities in this area since the Seljuk period. Especially according to the specific political field, under the influence of Muzaffaris rulers, a special local style called Muzaffaris style or due to opinion of Donald Wilber, “Yazd School” can be identified and introduced in this field. Among these, the distinctive works of architecture, mosques, monasteries, houses, aqueducts, gardens and historical neighborhoods of Yazd and Meybod, belonging to the same era are of special importance for defining, explaining and interpreting its subject and place urban planning. This research seeks to know the characteristics of Al-Muzaffar tanabi houses and whether they can be classified, as well as the reasons for their emergence? The purpose of this article is to determine the quality of Tanabi in the architecture of Muzaffaris houses in Yazd. In this study, the oldest houses that have been registered and identified so far have been cited along with historical texts. Considering not being enough sample studies in other parts of Iran and the number of historical references to the houses in historical texts and no research in this fields, the importance and position of the Tanabi in architecture of Muzaffaris era has been discussed. In this article, after library studies, which include recognizing Muzaffaris houses in historical texts and Tanabi in other buildings, field studies have been done. In this research tries to recognize the residential architecture in Muzaffaris era by combining interpretive- historical methods and research of examples and relying on library- documentary studies and also to study and analyze the Tanabi. The results show that the Tanabi is seen frequently and in different forms in the historical texts of Ilkhanate Timurid era. Researches show that in the study of historical texts of Yazd, three types of Tanabi have been mentioned. In the houses of Muzaffaris era, Tanabi is a luxurious room at the end of the south porch, which is some examples is decorated with many arraysThe second type was used as a room at the entrance of the gardens and the third type was used as a mansion inside the gardens.Tanabi was one of the first experiences of Iranian architectural spacing inside four-story houses, which is aimed at establishing the concept of a royal residence in the houses.

Neighborhoods are one of the most important elements in shaping the structure of Iranian cities. Many studies tried to represent the structure of historic cities focusing on the main physical elements (such as the Jama Masjid, the main bazaar, the capital, etc.) hence, the neighborhood has been considered only as a filling texture. Moreover, most of the researches that studied the neighborhoods as a separate issue, were limited to the generalizations and qualitative analysis of texts. Thus, the purpose of this study is to identify the patterns and structure of Shiraz’s historic neighborhoods accurately by using the non-physical elements. Shiraz has been chosen because it has credible evidence of the neighborhood since the eighth century AH. Therefore, the structure of neighborhoods by examining six urban elements, including the structure of passages, the role of streets, borders, uses, different living strata, and local names in three categories of “physical” factors, “social” factors, and “service” factors with descriptive and analytical methods were examined. The data are often library data collected by examining written documents (such as the travelogues and local history books) and historical illustrations (such as maps or pictures). The results show that “social” factors in neighborhoods are the most significant semantic attribute. It does not only have a mutual relationship with “physical” and “service” factors but also forms their basic foundations. The social role of neighborhoods in each historical period has led to selecting the location of the neighborhood, constructing the physical form, distributing the services, and giving symbolic names; this is a factor that causes the difference and cohesion of neighborhoods in the city at the same time. Finally, an attempt is made to describe the structure of Shiraz neighborhoods in the four periods of Atabakan, Zandieh, Safavid, and Qajar.

The urban refashioning of Isfahan in the Safavid Empire appeared with the reign of Shah Abbas I. the urban imperial developments provided new ideas and concepts around urbanization of the early modern era, including recreational axes in the urban structure, Embodiment of recreation and leisure in the city and urban life was reinforced by attention of kingship. Also, the physical appearance of the city typified what has been called the early modern urbanity. The main characteristic of this type could be the emergence of promenade axes. This article follows themes related to the recreational notion in shaping this city. In so doing, we achieved insight in a manner in which the structure was conceived. Exploring the meanings attributed to that idea in this era, we trace practices of social-and courtly- life as they shaped urban configurations and were shaped by. So at the first step, we survey the recreational activities and leisure organization of the Safavid Empire in everyday life. Later, we deal with spatial order, urban structure and planning of Isfahan. To decipher this idea, two types of evidence help us and facilitated our understanding of the matter: Some contemporary studies on leisure and entertainment in Safavid era and supposedly in the urban articulation of Isfahan (historical resources and travelogues) and the other hand, main historical resources. By analyzing and tracing the leisure idea in Isfahan as the one that established new urban identity, it is possible to distinct, clearly between the old urbanization and the new in architecture history of Iran. In other words, novel modes of urban conceptualization and planning of Isfahan provided new perceptions in research and study about Isfahan urbanization. According to we can find some features of the early modern urbanity in Isfahan city plan as we can ordinarily see in other modern 18-19th cities in the world.