mohammad mahdi mojahedi

After Erdogan came to power, Turkey, due to new immigration policies, especially the ease of residence for Turkish speakers, has become a destination for many Turkish-speaking individuals from the region, including Turkmens from Iran. In recent years, this migration flow has escalated from a normal phenomenon to a social and political crisis. Therefore, this study aims to analyze government policies towards the migration flow of the Turkmen ethnic group to Turkey from a social variable perspective. The study was conducted in both qualitative and quantitative sections. The qualitative sample included 20 experts, comprising faculty members, managers, experts, and Turkmen authorities in Golestan province and Turkey, who had suitable and precise information about Turkmens' migration from Golestan province. The qualitative section was conducted using interviews and a grounded theory method. The quantitative section was carried out by presenting a questionnaire derived from the qualitative section to 185 Turkmen migrants from Golestan province to Turkey, utilizing single-sample t-test and descriptive statistical analysis. Based on the results, 4 selective codes, 8 axial codes, and 51 open codes for social factors influencing the migration of Turkmens from Golestan province to Turkey were identified. According to the quantitative results, variables such as social freedoms, social respect and dignity, scientific and educational opportunities, social security, and overall social factors impact the migration flow, indicating inappropriate government policies in this area.

Today, the role of the tourism industry in economic development, both in developed countries and developing countries, is considered accepted.The growth of the tourism industry in developing countries was seen as a promising potential way to achieve economic and human growth.Tourism directly affects the economic development of countries. For example, with the arrival of tourists and the increase in their spending in the host country, it will increase its national income.In addition to the above in Iran, general economic policies of resilience have been formed with the aim of providing dynamic growth and improving economic resilience indicators and achieving the goals of the 20-year vision document with a global approach that the development of the tourism industry leads to achieving the goals of general economic policies. It will be resistant and increase the country's income.Considering the importance of the topic, this article deals with the relationship between tourism, economic growth and oil revenues in the oil-rich countries of the Persian Gulf (Iran, Qatar, UAE, Iraq, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Bahrain). In addition, replacing oil revenues with tourism revenues is another goal of this research. The results of this research show that if the tourism industry in these countries increases by 1 unit (percent), their oil income will increase by 021/0(1/2percent), which is not a significant number. In the Persian Gulf region, tourism has a positive effect on income (production) and if one unit (percentage) of tourism increases, the country's income will increase by 0/334 units (33.4percent).

Amartya Sen sets to fivefold freedoms Political, Economic Facilities,Social Opportunities,Transparency Garantees and Protective Security in development. Due to the Ahmadinejad emphasises to establishing justice in the society, The main issue of the article is Protective Security development based on Amartya Sen approach.The bilateral view of active citizenship and critique of neutral state has put the research in Communitarianism method.Reply to the question how was Protective Security development trend in Iran from the perspective of Amartya Sen in Ahmadinejad administrstion? The hypothesis presents although Protective policies such as Sahame-Edalat, Maskane -Mehr and Hadafmndi -Yaraneha started in Ahmadinejad administrstion but were based on trial and error and ultimated to inflation. Consequently Protective development in Ahmadinejad administrstion was not based on Amartya Sen approach that is. social welfare . . This article has analyzed the subject by historical and analytical method.

At present, Turkey is an immigration destination for many Iranians due to their easier residence conditions than other countries. This is especially true for Turkic-speaking people such as the Turkmen of Golestan Province. Therefore, the present study was conducted to identify the economic factors of Turkmen migration to Golestan province to Turkey. This study was performed in two parts: qualitative (foundation data method) and quantitative (single sample t-test and descriptive statistics). The qualitative section was conducted by interviewing 20 experts, including faculty members, administrators, experts and thinkers in Golestan and Turkey provinces who had appropriate and accurate information about the migration of Turkmens from Golestan province. The qualitative section was also conducted by presenting a questionnaire extracted from the qualitative section to 185 Turkmen immigrants from Golestan province to Turkey. Based on the results of the qualitative section, 69 open codes, 8 central codes and 4 selected codes were identified as economic factors for the migration of Turkmens in Golestan province to Turkey. Also, based on the results of the quantitative section and one-sample t-test, the t-statistics of the variables of job opportunities, expected income, provision of future employment of children and economic security are equal to 6.166, 14.618, 18.087 and 7.479, respectively. کهbe that their significance level is less than 0.05. Based on the results of descriptive statistics, the mean value in all 4 variables is higher than 3, which shows that all the answers were based on the opinion I agree with in the questionnaire. This result is also true for all the variables that make up economic factors. Therefore, it can be concluded that economic factors including the four variables mentioned affect the decision to migrate.

The purpose of this article is to discuss the political ups and downs of the “Reform era” in Iran (1997-2005). To analyze the “Islamic Republic of Iran” as a political regime and its dynamics, “Hybrid Regimes” theories have been used in current work. Such theories reject the duality of Democracy-Authoritarianism and try to provide essential concepts for analyzing the regimes which are in the middle of the spectrum. Those regimes have unique features in comparison to Democratic or Authoritarian regimes. To analyze the Islamic Republic of Iran as a political regime and to explain the ups and downs of the “Reform era” in Iran, the studies of four researchers on “hybrid Regimes” have been used here. Some of the keynotes which have been applied to the current study to discuss the political ups and downs of that specific period are as follows: the importance of political competition, social and political backgrounds of creation of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a hybrid regime, and finally, the relation between such a regime and rentier economy in Iran. Finally, the article has concluded that the reformist’s earlier progress and their later withdraw and defeat could be considered as “inner dynamics of a hybrid regime” instead of the “the defeated transition to democracy”.

The guiding question of this paper is “How can, if at all, the universality of human rights survive critical examinations within the prevailing multiculturalist frame of reference?” This paper examines the possibility conditions of critically reasoning for the universality of human rights. The discussions in this paper runs at two levels of analysis. At the conceptual level, a theoretical monist-pluralist frame of reference will be developed to reformulate the problematic of the universality of human rights in a form more compatible methodologically with multiculturalist approaches in the humanities, social sciences and current discourses of cultural studies. Demonstrating the weaknesses of the alternative solutions, the main hypothesis of this study suggests to refer to a reconstructed version of the “golden rule of reciprocal fairness.” At the practical level, this paper will set forth three “why”, “which”, and “how” questions regarding those principles which can bolster a universal reception of the human rights as fairness.

The Russian Communist Revolution of 1917 led by Lenin and the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 led by Imam Khomeini came to fruition and like most revolutions, the issuance of revolutions was on the agenda of their leaders. These revolutions were different due to the different internal bases and external conditions that lay ahead. To understand the roots of these differences, we use the theory of constructivism, which considers both meanings, ideas, rules, norms and procedures as intellectual factors and material factors in the development of phenomena. From a constructivist point of view, the differences in the foreign policy of countries are mainly due to the role of internal factors in determining these policies. According to this view, geopolitics and ideology, along with cultural factors, are one of the factors influencing the differences between the two revolutions. By examining the factors influencing the export policies of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the Russian Communist Revolution, eventually, we find that ideo-geopolitics gives a special meaning to the differences between the export of these two revolutions.

Different societies need to provide growth and development opportunities in order to improve their social and economic conditions. One of the factors affecting the growth and development in any society is the transformation of the country's scientific structures and the spread of knowledge, and in particular, the human sciences. The Islamic Republic of Iran is no exception to this rule. In order to achieve development and improvement of its social and economic conditions, Iran needs to develop science, especially in the field of human sciences, as the basis of society's transformation. The question that is posed here is how do cognitive factors play a role in the lack of development of the humanities in Iran? The main hypothesis in answering this question is that the weakness of rational political structures based on collective wisdom is one of the most important obstacles to the development of science in Iran in the field of humanities. We used from the New Institutionalism framework to analyze this article, which is a social and political theory. Besides this theory, for the epistemological aspect of analysis, the theory of critical rationalism of Popper will be used.

Development 1 as freedom 2 from the perspective of Amartyasen 3 and political development where the role of society and the duty of government in a two-way complementary process as the goal of development has been the focus of research. Amartiasen on the one hand, emphasises the role of parties and uncensored publications, and on the other hand, influenced by Aristotle, on the state for interaction as measures of political development. This bilateral view of active citizenship and criticism of neutral state has put the paper in community method. The main issue of the research is the study of the political development of the Hashemi government so far based on the sen,smeasures, and the reply to the question how did political development trend in Iran from the perspective of Amartyasen? The hypothesis presents that the measures of political development in Iran were not complementary and continuous, so that political development in the sense of extending the fundamental freedoms enjoyed by society was not fully realized. This research has analyzed the subject by historical method

This paper examines the effects of different variables on inflation in the monetary economics using endogenous growth models. So, different aspects of inflation formation were analyzed based on micro-foundations. We investigated the role of imported inflation, fiat money, expectations, monetary base and capital accumulation on inflation using an endogenous growth model. An ARDL approach was utilized to estimate the model for Iranian economy during 1979 -2008. The estimation results show that imported inflation affects the inflation through the exchange rate channel. Also, expectations, capital return and monetary base play an outstanding role in Iranian economy.

The theoretical foundations of the Dutch Disease are considered in this paper, and using the appropriate indices its existence in Iranian economy is tested. On the basis of theoretical considerations, the initial impact of injecting foreign exchanges derived from exporting raw materials is the strengthening of the national currency and the growth of the money supply within the national economy. This will not only induce higher levels of aggregate consumption but will also, in conjunction with the non-optimal structure of the production system, increase the fixed cost of capital and the nominal money cost of the production by increasing the ratio of the price index for non-tradable goods to that of the tradables. The above-mentioned factors, together with the incompetitiveness of domestic industrial products are usually referred to as the symptoms of Dutch Disease. One of the main and significant indices for testing the existence of Dutch Disease from the theoretical and statistical points of view is the ratio of the price index of non-tradable goods to that of the tradables. Unfortunately, the statistical data for such a dichotomy does not exist in Iran. The statistical data derived from a proxy index indicates that with the growth of oil export revenues the ratio of the price indices of tradable goods to the non-tradables, which have experienced smooth growth during the past years, have recently shown accelerations. This signifies and supports the hypothesis of the existence of a mild Dutch Disease in Iranian economy especially during the recent years, though the reservation exists as to the concrete conclusions based on its existence.