فهرست مطالب آقای مرتضی بحرانی

The bloody play of Varzajang has been common in some regions of Iran and Gilan. It consists of fighting two bulls. Over the past few decades, this play underwent tremendous changes with the transformation of social structures; although apparently, its main core of “Two bulls fighting” remains. Considering that the whole world life of a part of the people of the north of the country in different generations has been so full of natural views on this phenomenon that it is repeated and expanded under the title of preserving the local game, The necessity of defending the tradition insists, this research using the phenomenological method considered by Titchen and Hobson (focusing on the direct approach) and inspired by Mannheim’s theory about generational relations, It has examined the form and content evolution of this phenomenon in different generations. For this purpose, he used the “focus group” data collection method and Moustakas’ phenomenological analysis strategy. The main question is, different generations of people in the north, especially Gilan, what are they experiencing during the ceremony? And in its historical development, what changes has this ceremony created in relations between generations? The result of this research is that the differences between generations have brought changes based on the historical events in space and time around Varzajang, And it has caused its development in social, political, and economic issues (such as phenomena such as celebrations, shows, kings, and gambling).

Conceptual history is a theoretical approach to the modern understanding of political thought and action over time and in the context of sociopolitical transformations. In this approach, concepts are rooted in social developments; In such a way that with the change and development in the society and the field of action, the concepts also change in terms of meaning and function. The question of this essay is how to understand and interpret the relationship between political practice and political theory and whether conceptual history can explain this relationship in a way that the researcher, besides exploring it, fulfills his responsibility of constructing a better society and a better world. The assumption is that conceptual history can both present the most appropriate interpretation of the quality of existence of affairs and opens horizon of future for intervening social affairs; in a way that the realm of the researcher’s action in a position of a theoretical actor is determined. Using descriptive and analytical method, this essay introduces conceptual history. This article seeks to comprehend and interpret conceptual history in the context of modern understanding.

The book "The Concept of Criticism in the Modernist Movements in the Arab World" has been reviewed. The most important criticism of this book is that it has inconsistent claims, while the author intends to discuss the criticism, he forgets that criticism is a modern action and therefore suffers from traditionalism and postmodernism. Throughout the book, and in spite of propositions that evoke hope for critique and progress, the author is either caught up in traditionalist retrogression or preoccupied with postmodernist bizarre and pompous gibberish. These two factors have led the author, from another point of view, to consider criticism as matter related to the realm of philosophy of consciousness: as if the Arabs reach a critical stage in their mentality and subjectivity, their societies will also prosper and get progressed. These contradictions are especially evident in the fact that the author does not pay attention to modern values ​​(freedom, happiness, and integrity). Any research on criticism that does not appreciate the practical results of modernity cannot be considered serious and honest research. This is the focus point of this article. In order to critique this cognitive disorder, I have examined the book by the method of hermeneutics of suspicion.

This article is based on a review of “Socialism: A Failed Idea That Never Dies” (by Kristian Niemietz). Where Niemietz believes that the idea of socialism is still alive despite its successive failures, I will argue that the problem is not that the "ideas" are dead or alive. Human mental phenomena include ideas, judgments, and wills. Ideas never die; whether it is the idea of socialism or the idea of God or the Idea of the dragon. The main issue is the rightness or wrongness of human will. Accordingly, I have tried to show, in a critical phenomenological way, that socialism is a will to failure. If it is repeated and experienced a thousand more times, it will achieve nothing but failure. On the contrary, and by historical experience, it is capitalist liberalism that has set before us the right and progressive will. For those of us who have stepped forward in the process of progress, the moral imperative is to put aside the socialist temptations of equal distribution. The beginning of our progress is to step on the path of production. Production and exchange of capital are the other words of free exchange and the right to freedom. It is only with this right that we can achieve ourselves in this worldly world.

The issue of this article is questioning the beginning and principal of the university; in particular the question is that in what sense can the beginning of the university in Iran be justified and legitimate? By distinguishing between the beginning and the founding, I have linked the beginning of the university to its end, responsibility. The purpose of this research was to show the legitimacy on the university as a modern phenomenon and to pay attention to the necessity of reasoning and critique in the university situation. The university has a new beginning as a new phenomenon. This new beginning or principal can - and should-be discussed in relation to its teleos, by Gadamer's hermeneutic method and in a phenomenological attitude. For such a discussion, first a description is given on the concept of beginning and then, based on the modern experience of the university, that experience is conceptualized. The description of the beginning and the concept of the university are then discussed in the situation of Iran and in relation to the history of the university in Iran. The result of the study is an emphasis on the self-actualization of the academic individual. A university is a place for freedom and responsibility, meaning theorizing and acting to identify and control the evils and anomalies that hinder the realization and formation of self and society. The university is a place for questioning the phenomena of the self, the society and the world. In a sense, given the experience of being a university, the university has been "established" in Iran but has not "begun".

The future of Iran’s history largely depends on narratives we present from its past. The narratives can lead to freedom and responsibility, or they can impose a kind of retrospective on us that prevents us from progressing. Depending on what approach and values we have in mind, Iran's past will also be different. In this article, by reviewing “Iranian Ministry and Bureaucracy (Vezarat & Divansalari) in the Islamic Era” (written by Sadeq Sajjadi), I have critiqued our vicious history with regard to the author's approach to validation of the past, and have expressed some critical arguments in a suspicious hermeneutic method. In my opinion, the future of Iran’s progress is first and foremost dependent on the deconstruction of its bureaucratic (Divansalari) relations. This bureaucracy, instead of order and efficiency, and transparency, leads to obscurity. This is the future that is a searchlight for, and the beacon of the past.

The interdisciplinary approach is a post-development approach. It introduces the idea-norm of responsibility as the teleost of education and research. Without this inter-teleos, all the modern values would be in risk of corruption. But the responsibility itself has limitations. The phenomenological hermeneutics repairs and rectifies these limitations. By amending the inadequacy of responsibility in the interdisciplinary approach, we will be able not to act violently, doing less crimination, exploitation and harming the environment. For us, as people involving in the development process and democratization, to be responsible and to do interdisciplinary is a demanding and troublesome task of all disciplinary contributions. Only by an aggregation of knowledge and morality we can do Interdisciplinarity. Interdisciplinarity begins with promotion and flourishing the self, and flourishing the self needs rationality and criticism. In this research I argue that we need a phenomenological approach toward Interdisciplinarity, so the critiques and condemnations heretofore raised against the positive approach toward it diminish and the interdisciplinary collusion not occurs again.

Brucellosis is one of the most important zoonosis diseases. The aim was to estimate the seroprevalence of brucellosis in rural cattle, sheep, and goat of Bushehr Province.

This cross-sectional study was conducted in 2012-2014. For the cattle population, a total of 118 villages and 891 cattle and for sheep and goat population, a total of 202 villages, 526 flocks, 3064 sheep, and 7182 goats were included. Samples were examined with Rose Bengal, 2-mercaptoethanol and wright tests.

In the cattle population, 28 out of 118 villages (20.34%, CI 95%: 13.94%-28.73%) and 20 out of 891 cattle (3.36%, CI 95%:2.28-4.77%) were seropositive. Additionally, in the sheep and goat population, 89 out of 202 villages (44.06%, CI 95%: 37.10%-51.20%), 142 out of 526 flocks (27%, CI 95%: 23.25%-31%), and 335 out of 10246 sheep and goats (3.27%, CI 95%: 2.93%-3.63%) were seropositive.
The prevalence at the individual level of all animals was 3.53%in 2012 which was significantly higher than 2013 ( 2.59%) (P=0.02). Totally, in 3 years, the prevalence of brucellosis in sheep (3.88%) was significantly higher than goats (3%) (P = 0.02) and the prevalence in female animals (3.52%) was significantly higher than male animals (1.58%) (P

Due to the reduction of the prevalence, the test and slaughter policy together with the could further reduce and control the spread of the disease in the animal population.

The twentieth century, with two bloody global wars and numerous killings, brought thinking about the West's new crisis about to the center of thought, a crisis whose backgrounds, according to some, should be sought in the existing political thought. Leo Strauss was among the philosophers who attempted to present a plan of a Western crisis or, in his words, a new-era crisis from the perspective of political philosophy. In this article, we are going to discuss his views on the three axes of the separation of philosophy and science, the modern idea of ​​the progression, and declination of political philosophy, and illustrate the reasons of his inclination to Farabi's philosophy and his influenced philosopher, Ibne-moimon. In addition to textual references and exegetical interpretations, content criticisms are expressed in the form of footnotes. Strauss's special look at Islamic philosophy can help us understand the political dimensions of Farabi's thoughts, and show how one can understand the leading pattern of the crisis of his time in the light of philosophical wisdom of the past. This important issue can be done through the refreshing Strauss's thinking and, in particular, observing the content of Farabi's philosophy about non-divine medina.

In this paper the criticism education has studied. The problem is how the practice of criticism, especially social, could be accomplished? Beyond of this problem by default the practice of criticism needs the criticism education, the question is what the relation is between practice of social criticism and theory of criticism? According to results of the research, practice of social criticism is possible when the social theories are available and theory of social criticism could be obtained beyond the common values of any society. Purpose of the research is to find the native and internal facilities for social practice. Any evolution and peaceful social change is possible just through the practice of social criticism. The act of criticism practice, without the criticism theory (or act to criticism practice based on the theories which do not respect the common values) cannot be accomplished. These results have been obtained based on philosophical analysis. In the preliminary discussions by helping the science of linguistics, the characteristics and components of social critics are discussed.

The topic of this article is the holly violence in the contemporary Islamic world and also its developments in formulation. What is really important in this research is to clarify the parts of Jihad and afterward clarifying the Takfiri beliefs and at last negation of Takfir. In other words the thinkers who have beliefs against modern and western countries and also believe in competing with them urge the Jihad. According to the time and acceptance of superiority of the “other” to Muslims from this group of thinkers, specifically in military fields rather than Jihadi thoughts, the idea of holly violence was replaced by addressing the internal enemy (hypocritical, corrupt, apostate, secular, etc). Also it is important to know that the west is prepared to make use of this idea against Muslims as well. This process has put aside already and now it is the coexistence which let the “self” grow and become clear in today’s world. To analyze this issue the philosophical analysis approach is used by reviewing the two processes of holly violence: Jihad and Takfir gathered from the ideas of some of the great contemporary thinkers of Muslim Brotherhood Group (Ikhwan al muslimin)

The virtues political philosophy presupposes the coherence of categories like justice, cooperation, friendship, leadership for realizing the individual and civil happiness in the city. Among the Moslem philosophers, al-Farabi described the civil friendship, cooperation and justice. Analyzing the thoughts of al-Farabi shows despite the civil friendship exists in all various kind of cities, the relationship resulted by civil friendship is different in every specific virtuous and non-virtuous cities. The question of this paper is that "what is the relationship between civil friendship and the kind of relationship in each city in al-Farabi's thought?" Based on this question and with the method of philosophical content analysis of Farabi's political philosophy, it would be clear that civil friendship is the binding matter of members of city. Civil friendship shapes the form of cities, too. In fact, the knowledge which determines the happiness would appear in a friendly matter that shapes all civil affairs and cooperation. Accordingly, the most important finding of this paper is that depending to the excellent matter to be followed by people as the members of city, the excellent city will shaped and based on matters as like pleasure, joy, power, and so, the opponent of excellent city (or ignorant cities) will appeared. The relationship in the first is ESTEKHDAM (ministering), and in the latter is ESTEEBAD (enslaving). So, based on the civil friendship, the different kinds of excellent and non-excellent cities will shaped and each city requires the certain relations between leader and its members.

Navabet (a metaphore of isolated humans) is among concepts that has applied in islamic philosophy. Both Farabi and Ebne baje has used this concept in their philosophy. In this paper, we want to answer thisquestion that what reference, the expression of “navabet” has in Farabi’s Ebne baje ‘s views. This essay’s finding indicates that in both philosophers’ view, Navabet are isolated humans; but the reference of one view is philosopher and that of the other view is non-philosopher. The innovation of this essay is this point that in terms of modern philosophical and social view, the disscusion of Navabet diverts toward otherness in one orientation and in other orientation, this disscusion leads towards “identity”. The exploitation of this traditional thought aboat the politics, identity and distinction provides some horizons before us.

Civil friendship is one of most important category in Farabi's political philosophy. The question of this paper is that "what is the relationship between civil friendship and the kind of city in Farabi's thought?" Based on this question and with the method of philosophical content analysis of Farabi's political philosophy, it would be clear that civil friendship is the binding matter of members of city. Civil friendship shapes the form of cities, too. In fact, the knowledge which determines the happiness, would appear in a friendly matter that shapes all civil affairs and cooperation. Accordingly, the most important finding of this paper is that depending to the excellent matter to be followed by people as the members of city, the excellent city will shaped and based on matters as like pleasure, joy, power, and so, the opponent of excellent city (or ignorant cities) will appeared. So, based on the civil friendship, the different kinds of excellent and non-excellent cities will shaped and each city requires the certain relations between its members.

There have been different readings of Plato’s works and treatises, especially in relation to “Republic”. Among them, treatises of this statesman and sophist are of special importance. Plato, in “Sophist”, writes that he would have a sufficient inquiry on “Philosopher” in a near future. This statement has led some researchers to look for Plato’s lost book on the “philosopher”. Does the statement really mean that he had in mind to write the book “Philosopher” especially considering the fact that he had written the “Statesman” before this? This paper, by focusing on the different readings, studies the relationship between “Sophist” and “Statesman”, and claims that writing of an independent treatise by Plato, under the name of “Philosopher” was not what he intended to do. In fact, by writing “Sophist” and “Statesman” he had characterized “Philosopher” to his readers. All the characteristics of the “Philosopher” are available in the previous treatises. This article drawing on the internal logic of Plato’s thought, this claim has been investigated from different perspectives.

Addition to historical analyses, three different types of reading of the ideas of al-Farabi have been offered: First, the connection between his ideas and the Greek thought; second, the connection between his ideas and theology, and the relationship that can be established between philosophy and religiousness; and third, the explication of al-Farabi’s ideas on the basis of the crisis (-es) he faced. In the present article the relationship between al-Farabi’s philosophy and Greece, Islam and the social crisis of the time are elaborated on.

The current evolutions in Arab countries، in a sense is still a product of plural look of available actors toward the history and identity، which can not imagined any agreement between them in short time. So، if we know Morsi as nominative of targeted Islamist group in Egypt which its main goal is the establishment Islamic government by applying Sharia in political، legal، economic، and cultural areas (trying to persue Islam/muslim history)، and if we recognize that this country، in the last hundred years and after the collapse of the Ottoman in particular، has experienced streaks alive of secularism and liberalism and nationalism in thought، culture and politics، this question is raised: what is the script and destiny of this goal-oriented movement in Egypt? In other words، under which history، this future is defined? The brief answer to this question refers to the emergence of an intellectual middle class in Egypt that really continues the country’s developments in the intermediate state. This class، due to relatively-open thinking atmosphere in Naser era، following Egypt’s thinking relations with American and European world، emerged gradually in this country and current movement is also indebted to this class. But the point is that this class is not integrated but because of having several identities، its history-making potential lies in halfway mood. This event، at first by drawing some preliminary prepositions aimed to Adel Dhaher’s (Zaher) analysis and then exention of Mohhamad Abed al-Jaberi’s theory about Arab Intellect will be sounded. All of these discussions will be reviewed in Egypt’s historical path.

This paper focused on the analysis and explanation of “civil friendship” in al-Farabi’s philosophy; so the question is: what are the beginning and the end of civil friendship in his philosophy? It seems that for al-Farabi، the friendship has the power of binding the creatures to each other. It shapes all contexts for creatures; among them، it forms the variant cities، and the ruler of each city looks at the category of friendship as a tool to have good governance. For Farabi، like Aristotle، man naturally has teleos in itself. For him، the cities need justice and civil friendship to be a good city acording to the scheme that planed by the ruler; without friendship، the cities cannot be shaped، and without justice they cannot be maintained. But in reality، the type of friendship is different in each city، and it defines the happiness for each city.

To live in a non-excellent city، is a problematic situation for excellent men. But، which style of life would be the best style for excellent men who live in non-excellent cities? The Moslem Philosophers have different approaches to this question. Among them، al-Farabi، as the founder of Islamic philosophy، advised three choices: going out of the non-excellent cities to an excellent city، living as a stranger in a non-excellent city، or، preferring death instead of life. Avicenna، recommends virtues men to build their cities in the periphery of the non-excellent city، far away from the center. Against him، Avempace''s theory focuses on the idea that virtues men’s happiness should be realized in non-excellent cities. Ibn Tufayl (Abu Baser) in his tale، Hayy Ibn Yaqdhan (Alive، Son of Awake) man is a lost being that tries to find him “self” by a particular kind of knowledge which leads him to excellent situation in society. Comparing these theories reveals that relation between “individual” and “society” is problematic and complicated. In fact، compliance with conventions، rules، or laws of non-excellent cities is in the center of these theories.