constructivism

Recognition has long been a subject of discussion in international relations, primarily due to the significance of sovereignty and its relevance in international law. However, it has received relatively little theoretical attention, particularly from realists and liberals. At the same time, certain international relations theories—most notably the English School, constructivism, and critical theory—have given it special consideration. The English School, constructivism, and a significant portion of conventional constructivist studies on recognition have adopted a conventional state-centric, analytical, and explanatory approach. However, Alexander Wendt, in one of his works, moves beyond this framework and adopts a teleological approach to recognition. Although recognition has been discussed in critical scholarship as a means of emancipation at the societal level, its critical dimension has not been consistently maintained in international relations. Nonetheless, alongside Axel Honneth’s works, certain studies written from a non-Western perspective—such as those by Ayşe Zarakol—exhibit a critical stance toward the practice of recognizing non-Western actors in international relations. This raises the question of how these three approaches can be integrated into a coherent framework. The argument presented in this article is that what connects these three strands of theorizing on recognition in international relations, beyond their explanatory function, is the normative dimension that is more or less implicitly embedded within them.

Russia's military attack on Ukraine and the annexation of the four regions of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhia to the Russian Federation is considered the largest military conflict in Europe after World War II, which explains why the military confrontation between Russia and Ukraine and the annexation of these regions to the Federation makes it necessary. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to answer the questions that firstly, why Russia decided to attack Ukraine and annexed Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhia to the Russian Federation and secondly, what are the causes of the spread of the crisis and the success of these annexations? In response to this hypothesis, the reason for Russia's decision to attack Ukraine and annex these areas to Russia was to eliminate the threats caused by Ukraine's possible membership in NATO, also, the changes in the common values and norms between Ukraine and Russia during the crisis and commonalities and links between the Russian society and the societies of these regions have played an important role in the spread of the crisis and the success of annexations.To answer the research questions, the method of multiple case study and theories of balance of threat and constructivism have been used. The data was also collected in a library method and analyzed with a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings of the article shows that both material and immaterial factors played a role in Russia's military attack on Ukraine and the annexation of these areas to the Russian Federation.

Neoclassical realism as a less coherent theory such as Waltz's structural realism or Morgenth's classical realism, as an attempt to resolve the shortcomings and contradictions between the various intellectual trends of realism; Through the absorption of internal variables and factors, it has tried to describe the international politics more realistically and explain the consequences of the system level, relying on the foreign policy of different governments. Attracting internal factors in the analysis and emphasizing the concept of interests and motivations; It highlights the semantic and psychological dimensions of the theory and brings to mind a kind of constructivist view of the theory. Based on this, in this article, we will seek to analyze and criticize the dimensions of the theory of neoclassical realism, emphasizing Randall Schweller's concept of balance of interests, from the perspective of constructivist theory. The results of the article are that, from an ontological point of view, neoclassical realism aims to solve the descriptive failures of other forms of realism; Inevitably, by introducing semantic and motivational dimensions in his analysis and examining the explanatory consequences of these variables in foreign policy and at the level of the international system, especially when talking about interests; He suffered some kind of internal contradiction through the objectification of interests, and in order to resolve these contradictions and maintain and expand the semantic factors in the theory, he should choose a kind of constructivist ontology and avoid the materialistic prejudices of realism.

International crises and the resulting crimes often raise questions about the underlying causes that threaten regional peace and security. Understanding these root causes is crucial for both strategically preventing future conflicts and managing current tensions. Theories, when applied to specific events, provide a valuable framework for analyzing complex realities and developing more effective interventions. The ongoing Palestinian-Israeli conflict, deeply rooted in ideological and identity-based differences, exemplifies this need for in-depth analysis. This research, employing a descriptive-analytical approach and utilizing documentary and library methods, aims to address the following question: What are the criminological and political roots of the persistent instability and recurrent crises in the Middle East, with a particular focus on the Israeli-Palestinian crisis? The historical and strategic depth of the conflicts in the Middle East, often intertwined with issues of identity, contribute to its perpetual state of conflict and crisis. This volatile environment also facilitates the commission of other international crimes in the region. Research findings indicate that to prevent future international crimes in the Middle East, this study identifies three critical strategies: bolstering the integrity of international organizations by ensuring their neutrality, promoting regional political and religious discourse without external influence, and facilitating the recognition of the State of Palestine through peaceful, politically-negotiated in accordance with international legal frameworks.

Although known to the scholars of Politics and International Relations, the concept of ‘exceptionalism’ has remained ambiguous and bereft of theoretical and conceptual boundaries. The term is mainly limited to the United States, having made it an instrument for the reproduction of American hegemony and the Americanization project. The fact is against the clues that help make understanding of ‘exceptionalisms’, i.e. exceptionalism applied to more than one nation. Theorizing exceptionalism will, in addition to invalidating the exclusive American exceptionalism, enhance the explanation and prediction power of IR via providing a theoretical framework for building intersubjective understanding. The interaction between internal and external policies, states' behavior in times of crisis like that of Iran’s nuclear energy, states' approaches towards peace, their attitudes towards institutionalism, the mechanism of cultural influences through international relations, deciding the mentalities of anarchy versus order, equity, cultural pluralism, etc. are among the problems that a new definition and a ‘theory of exceptionalism’ is expected to deal with. This paper attempts to evaluate the hypothesis that ‘Exceptionalism is categorizable as a theory within the constructivist meta-theory of international relations’, by comparing and contrasting the two in conceptual, ontological, and epistemological senses. The findings of this documentary research guide us to meaningful overlaps between exceptionalism and constructivism. The verification of the hypothesis paves the way for replacing American exceptionalism with the belief in exceptionalisms, a shift from the realist to the constructivist approach in IR.

Despite the existence of international institutions and legal mechanisms in the form of collective security,international security has always faced challenges and threats, mainly military,as one of the most important concerns of governments and international organizations.Meanwhile, with the emergence of the globalization process,new concepts such as international socialization It has been formed in the international relations literature that,as a new variable, has challenged the traditional studies of security from the perspective of rationalists.Therefore, the current research seeks to answer the question of how the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments leads to stability.Will security become international?Using the theoretical and meta-theoretical approach of constructivism and in the form of an explanatory method, the upcoming research is based on the hypothesis that the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments can stabilize the international security through the consolidation of the collective security mechanism. So that from the point of view of constructivism, international socialization is considered as a process that by internalizing international values ​​and norms, and as a result, the formation of global common knowledge,norms and ideas and its transfer from one actor to another,ultimately leads to the construction of a collective identity.This leads to the promotion of the status of international norms and shared values ​​as well as increasing the functioning of international institutions.So that during this process, with the realization of the security community,the stability of international security is achieved through the consolidation of the mechanism of the collective security model.

Japan's foreign policy is influenced by various factors. History, geography, political and economic interests are among the factors influencing Japan's foreign policy. In the meantime, the factor of religion has played a prominent role in the formation of Japan's relations with other players in the international arena. As a powerful religion throughout Japan's history, Shinto has influenced the country's foreign policy. Indeed, how has this religion been able to play a prominent role in Japan's foreign equations? It seems that concepts such as the divinity of the emperor, emphasis on patriotism and national identity were very prominent and emphasized in this ritual before World War II. The change in Japan's approach after World War II coincides with the depoliticization of this religion and emphasis on pacifist concepts, including the spirit of tolerance, preservation and protection of the environment, and emphasis on the pure nature of man. With a constructivist view, this religion has somehow sought a peaceful reflection in the acceptance of another. The acceptance of change of approach and companionship with the United States of America after World War II is an example of the truth of this matter. The current research, using the descriptive-analytical method and using internet and library resources and using the framework of constructivist theory, seeks to answer how Japan's foreign policy is formulated under the influence of the said ritual.

The role of identity in the analysis of Iran's foreign policy has been overlooked during the Pahlavi era. This can be attributed, at least in part, to the dominance of materialistic attitudes over the theories of international relations during this period. This article employs constructivist theory to assess the relationship between the Iranian nation's self-perception and its stance towards the West during the Pahlavi era. In order to achieve this objective, the approaches of the "Third Force", "Negative Balance", "Positive Balance", "Positive Nationalism" and "Independent National Policy" were subjected to analysis in the context of the role played by the superpowers, namely the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States, during the Pahlavi period. This research employs discourse analysis to examine the manner in which Iran has engaged with the West. The findings of this research demonstrate that during the Pahlavi era, a number of Iranian politicians held the view that the optimal provision of Iran's "national interests" was contingent upon independence from the West. Conversely, a different set of politicians advocated that Iran's national interests should be secured by establishing a security link with the West, with the objective of minimizing the country's expenses. This research demonstrates that neither of these two identity structures, despite the significant differences between them, can ensure the preservation of Iran's national interests.

Following the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 and the occupation of the United States Embassy in particular, Iran, and the United States emerged as primary rivals in the international system, particularly in West Asia. After the withdrawal of England in the 1970s, the United States and Iran sought to counterbalance each other's influence in the region. During the 2010s, the Arab uprisings posed a complex challenge to the foreign policy apparatuses of both countries, adding several variables to the ongoing political and historical conflict between the two states. This research aims to explore the differences between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America in their responses to the Arab uprisings. The study employs the conceptual framework of constructivism and uses descriptive and analytical methods to address this query. According to the findings of this study, both states, from a constructivist standpoint, seek to maximize their interests through new regional variables in an intersubjective structural framework. For the Islamic Republic, this intersubjective structure represents the notions of “Islamic awakening,” and “axis of resistance,” and, thus, removing the United States from the region and dismantling the Israeli regime considered the Islamic Republic's primary rival. For the United States, on the other hand, it denotes “democracy and secularism,” thus the prevention of “religious fundamentalism and terrorism” and “revolutions akin to Iran's Islamic Revolution.”

The inherent revolutionary optimism, along with the idealistic enthusiasm resulting from the creation of new revolutionary structures, brings global dreams and perspectives to the revolutionaries and is introduced in all the actions and thoughts of the revolutionary leaders as the main goal of every revolution. On the other hand, there are necessities and limitations besides the mission defined in the process of issuing the revolution, which play a very important role in building a new revolutionary identity. Examining elements such as geography and geopolitical limitations, international pressures, public interests, structural necessities, ethnic and national issues, and their role, and examining the dimensions of this influence and effectiveness is one of the goals of this research. The author tries to use the theory of constructivism to address the most important influencing factors in the Russian revolution, focusing on the export of the revolution, and to explain how the identity components influence and play a role in the export strategy of the Russian October Revolution. In this research, we want to investigate the process and why of this rotation in an interactive process between the revolutionary structure and the revolutionaries and the external components of the identity sector. It seems that the Russian Revolution has been watching it slowly conquering its ideals and its heart with internal and external realities, and its only action has been a reluctant alignment of this interaction in favor of hard external components.

The field of human rights studies is shaped by various ideas based on conceptual and theoretical developments. The issue of human rights has been of utmost significance for both Iran and Saudi Arabia in recent decades. Iran and Saudi Arabia, as Islamic nations, have different perspectives on human rights within the international context and the framework of human rights driven by Islamic principles. Such that this can be considered a major factor influencing their relations with each other and with entities such as the United Nations, the Human Rights Council, and national/international powers. Research question: In view of constructivism, what are the effects of human rights policies on governance in Iran and Saudi Arabia? Research hypothesis: The human rights policies and their monitoring mechanisms in Iran and Saudi Arabia have significantly influenced their behavior in adhering to and accepting human rights norms. Therefore, their similarities and differences in this regard can be identified by comparing the state of human rights in these two countries. Findings Research findings indicate that Iran demonstrates a more flexible stance on human rights issues compared to Saudi Arabia, which can be attributed to differences in their government type and civil society structure.

The present study aims to examine the political relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and India from a constructivist perspective. The research method is descriptive-explanatory, and it seeks to answer the questions: What perceptions do the foreign policy agents of Iran and India have of each other? And what are the opportunities and challenges in this relationship? The study is based on the hypothesis that the identity structure derived from the Islamic Revolution of Iran, which has extended to a structural-agent order in foreign policy, conflicts with the neoliberalism chosen by India's foreign policymakers and the ruling party. Thus, this difference in identity foundations and the structural-agent relationship in both domestic and international systems has created challenges and opportunities for both countries. Consequently, after the Islamic Revolution and Iran's withdrawal from the CENTO alliance and alignment with the West, and its joining the Non-Aligned Movement, of which India was a founding member, there was significant hope in the Islamic Republic of Iran for improved relations with India due to shared identity stemming from peaceful foreign policy and pacifism (Nehruism), which was based on non-alignment with major powers and solidarity with weaker countries. However, after the end of the Cold War and the paradigm shift in India's foreign policy from Nehruvian idealism to realism, changes in normative-identity foundations, the marginalization of the National Congress Party, the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and closer ties with the West, the relations cooled. Therefore, it appears that the foreign policymakers of Iran and India may not be able to find intersubjective identity resources and shared values and norms to develop relations at a strategic level, which could be a challenge in the relations between the two countries.

Islamic movements are popular and organized movements whose goal and strategy is to implement the orders of the society with the orders of Sharia in all political, intellectual, social and economic dimensions. Western colonialism, intellectual degeneration and tyranny are the causes of these movements. The Muslim Brotherhood movement is the most powerful movement among the Islamic movements that came to power at the same time as the victory of the revolution. Also, in terms of the connection of the Muslim Brotherhood movement with Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, the investigation of this movement is of particular importance. The analysis carried out in this research is the result of the construction of descriptive information obtained from previous studies, so that by analyzing the strategy of Islamic movements, especially the Muslim Brotherhood, it is possible to correctly establish Iran's political relations with Turkey and Saudi Arabia. By examining the influence of the Brotherhood's strategy on the relations between Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, we find that Turkey supports moderate Islam and aligns with Iran, and Saudi Arabia promotes extreme Islam or Wahhabism and is in conflict with Iran and Turkey

Identity is one of the factors that has always been influential in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. But the victory of the Islamic revolution made this factor more prominent. Especially, the Islamic revolution of Iran is based on the Islamic-Iranian identity with an emphasis on the Shiite factor. An identity that is in conflict with the Islamic-Arabic identity of the Saudis with an emphasis on Wahhabism. In addition, the political identity of the Saudis is defined in closeness and unity with the West, but the Iranian identity is introduced with the unity of the Islamic world and in conflict with the West. Therefore, the question is raised, what are the consequences of the different political-social identities on the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia after the victory of the Islamic Revolution? The findings of the research indicate that different political and social identities are influenced by the ideology of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, centered on the Shiite religion in confronting the domination system and striving for a culture of resistance, and Saudi Arabia, centered on Wahhabi thinking, in cooperation with the domination system and in opposition to The culture of Islamic resistance has led to the adoption of confrontational policies by both sides in bilateral relations, regional crises and international competitions. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical and the data collection tool is library-documentary.

China's foreign policy, as one of the emerging powers of the international system, is affected by several factors. Different theoretical approaches have studied some decision-making components in China's foreign, but what has been neglected is the role of China's political identity in shaping the foreign policy of this country. China, by combining its identity values from the past to the present, tries to pursue a peaceful rise strategy in accordance with contemporary identity norms in the international system and not to reintroduce its power base as a disruptive player in the current situation. China's macro narrative of self and other was developed based on ancient and modern identity foundations. Therefore, the foundation of China's foreign policy is social identity and collective identity. China is trying to apply adaptability and flexibility to its international identity and system in its foreign policy behavior. China's macro narrative of self and other was developed based on ancient and modern identity foundations. Therefore, the foundation of China's foreign policy is social identity and collective identity. China is trying to apply its foreign policy based on adaptability and flexibility to the identity and international system. This article answers the question of what impact the identity components of China's foreign policy have had on its political behavior towards the Islamic Republic of Iran from 2000 to 2022? In response to this question, based on the descriptive-analytical method and using the holistic constructivist theory, it is hypothesized that changes in China's foreign policy identity towards Islamic Republic of Iran have led to its foreign policy being regulated based on peaceful economic development and playing a role as a peace-loving trade actor

Since the Safavid era, the Eastern Mediterranean region, has affected the Iran's national security and interests. The current research seeks to answer the question, "What are the components of the continuity of Iran's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Safavid period and the Islamic Republic?" The temporary answer that the researchers put forward as a hypothesis is that "Security-strategic needs and cultural-religious commonalities have been the most important reasons for the continuity of Iran's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean, and the difference in Iran's approach to Europe has been one of the differences between Iran's policy in the two periods." The findings show that the similarity of the type and role identity of the Safavid statesmen and the Islamic Republic of Iran led to the definition of common interests and similar foreign policy approaches by them. Iran's continuous strategic competition with other regional powers and the need to contain their threats far from the borders, the role of Shiites in the Eastern Mediterranean in advancing Iran's goals, economic interests and the dependence of Iran's geopolitical competition on identity and ideology are the most important reasons for the continuity of Iran's foreign policy during the two periods.

This research, which was based on a qualitative approach and relied on library and documentary data collection tools, tried to investigate the process of building a distinctive identity of the Islamic Revolution in the context of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq, focusing on the issue of issuing the revolution. , considering the centrality of the existence of the revolutionary system, is the most important consequence of this situation among the revolutionaries and actors. Based on this proposition, the present article was trying to first address the theoretical principles and foundations of issuing the Islamic revolution and then examine the actions of the revolutionary leaders regarding the strategy of issuing the revolution in the context of events such as war. According to the findings, it can be said that the imposed war provided a platform for the identity of the Islamic Revolution to bring the most explicit actions and reactions to the arena based on two ideas of itself and other ideas at the same time; Therefore, since identities are constructive and influenced by the structure, this interaction between actors and understanding of self and others in the most ideal external arena of the revolution, i.e. the issuing of the revolution, has left a qualitative impact, and the mission of this research is to investigate this influence process in the context of a war. It was imposed.

During many centuries humans realized the importance of co-existence and friendly interaction with their fellows for their survival against the surrounding dangers. It has long been believed that for peace and development, human societies must move towards integration and unity. In the last century, the first human attempts to create a regional union in Europe worked. The European Union was formed from the European Coal and Steel Organization. EU member states followed two important principles; one is peace and the other is a common identity with European roots. Although this union was economic in nature in the first step, but over the time, it was able to achieve its important goals and make Europe flourish in all areas. What the European Union has brought to the green continent is integration and common identity. After the successful experience of the European Union, other regions of the world were also encouraged to form regional organizations and unions. Since the formation of the European Union, regional organizations and associations have emerged one after another on every continent. ASEAN and SAARK in Asia, OAU and ECOWAS in Africa and MERCOSUR in South America were among the most important ones. Meanwhile, the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) was formed in the Middle East, which was dissolved in 1980 due to the revolution in Iran. In 1985, the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) was established at the initiative of Iran with the cooperation of Pakistan and Turkey (the same RCD members).

Research question: 

“Why has the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) not yet become a successful union after four decades of activity?”

Research hypothesis: 

To become Union, ECO needs to creat a common identity by analysing its roots, connections and cultural contexts.

Methodology and theoretical framwork: 

To examine this hypothesis “Constructivism theory” has been chosen as the theoretical framework of the research. It will be a clear guide during the research. The method of this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach and based on a case study. The method of data collection is library and internet sources.

About four decades have passed since the establishment of the Economic Cooperation Organization. During this time, this organization has gone through many changes. ECO started working with the initiative of Iran in 1985 with the aim of becoming an efficient economic organization in the Middle East. A goal that became more unattainable over time. When seven Central Asian countries joined ECO in 1991, many observers expected it to become a successful union. The addition of the newly independent countries of Central Asia made this organization able to take steps toward realizing its long-standing goals, but now, after three decades, ECO is still not where it should be. The geographical area where ECO was established is a reminder of the thousands of years of co-existence of the people of this region far from today's political borders. With the formation and expansion of ECO, suddenly after the passage of several centuries, there were many hopes to return to the glorious days of the brilliant civilizations of this land. ECO is the epitome of the powerful "Heartland" empires throughout history. The legacy of centuries of co-existence for ECO; It is a rich culture by which it can help its member states to faciliate integration.

The question of this research becomes important because by reviewing the experience of the formation of the European Union, we see that this organization, like ECO, it was initially a regional economic organization with the membership of several countries, which gradually became a strong organization and a powerful union. The European Union started the process of redefining a common regional identity. A “common culture” is what brings countries together in a regional organization. In order to find the answer to its question, this research has briefly investigated the background of the formation of ECO. By reviewing the history of the formation of ECO, it is clear that the identity of ECO has always been changing. According to integration theory of constructionism, identity is not a permanent subject and changes according to the conditions throughout history. The establishment of ECO Cultural Institute has been an important step in the direction of cultural convergence in this organization. However, one of the reasons why this organization could not achieve consensus, success and unbreakable bond and appear in the form of a union is the lack of real attention to its cultural points.Undoubtedly, what causes the integration and unification of a group and the formation of a union will be addressing the issue of culture and its recognition. Culture is a “common heritage” of a region and a union. By exploring the common heritage of ECO member countries, one can take a step towards defining a common identity for this organization. Topics such as history, Nowruz, language, art, religion and the Silk Road are the six main legacies of ECO's identity. Each of these great legacies is an important artery in the direction of the formation of dynamic identity and meaning for the ECO organozation.

One of the policies of the western world and its allies in order to hit the axis of resistance under the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been the establishment and support of the ISIS terrorist group. The present article, using the approach of the axis of resistance, seeks to analyze the role of the Iran in the defeat of the ISIS terrorist group. For this purpose, it has been tried to use the combined method . Based on this, at the beginning, using exploratory studies, the factors that have been effective in the role of Iran in defeating this terrorist group have been investigated and the mechanisms of the Iran to defeat ISIS have been analyzed. In the next step, a statistical sample of 30 university experts was selected by non-random sampling method and the findings of this research were presented to them through a questionnaire and the data were analyzed through spss software. The findings of the research show that by adopting strategies such as alliances with governments and various political and religious groups, more communication with the Kurdistan region of Iraq, using effective military-security forces in Iraq and Syria, The popular forces and Shiite militias have played a key role in countering the actions of ISIS.