فهرست مطالب سعید معیدفر

Abstract
One of the less discussed aspects of corruption in the political-administrative structure of contemporary Iran is its habitual aspect. This issue, as one of the influential factors in the development process, has been going on in a stable way in the contemporary history of Iran; For this reason, the current research, focusing on the first Pahlavi government, which is the dividing line of the appearance of modernity in the structure of the government in contemporary Iran, and based on Norbert Elias's process theory and using the historical analytical method, investigates personal gain (one of the main components of political corruption). ) in the political structure of contemporary Iran. Examining examples of this behavior in the governments of the Qajar and Pahlavi dynasties shows its prevalence (multiplicity) at all levels of power and its continuity in the investigated periods. These findings, along with paying attention to the point that this behavior has continued in the Pahlavi governments - which changed the relations and formation of the government through modernization - also prove that personal interest is a habit that goes hand in hand with the changes in the structure of the government towards modernization. did not and as a result its habitual requirements have continued to reproduce this behavior in the political-administrative structure of contemporary Iran.
 
Key words: personal interest, atawarah, habitual requirements, political structure, modernization
 
Extended abstract
It is important to deal with political corruption in various research fields, including in relation to the issue of development. One of the main components of political corruption is "personal gain" and deviation from the pattern or rule related to political power must be for the personal benefit of the holder of political power to be considered political corruption (Golmohammadi, 2012). One of the issues related to political corruption in the public and scientific environment of Iran is the politicized view that this issue (political corruption) and in fact the hidden personal gain in it by highlighting the role of individuals (politicians and government officials) ) and explains based on their individual characteristics. Acknowledging the fact that individual characteristics such as class origin and character, personality type, the person's position in the power pyramid, etc. are effective on the personal interest of individuals in the government structure, it is stated that the mere or excessive emphasis, on the role of individuals and their individual characteristics prevents the understanding of the complex process of the occurrence of this behavior in the political-administrative structure, because the importance of dealing with the structure (network of mutual dependencies) that through behavioral-emotional patterns (social habits) not only allows the occurrence It gives people this behavior, but it is less likely to lead them to this behavior. The current research aims to investigate the personal interest in the political-administrative structure of contemporary Iran (among politicians and government officials) by focusing on the first Pahlavi government, which is the dividing line of modernism in the government structure in contemporary Iran. In fact, the question in this research is: How is the existence of personal gain in the political-administrative structure whose formation has been changed by modernizing measures explained? For this purpose and in accordance with the theory of Norbert Elias that "later states arose from previous formations and configurations" (Elias, 2012: 244), first the examples of this behavior in the states of the Qajar dynasty (without considering the constitution as a stream of modernization in The structure of the late Qajar states made some changes), and then we examine the modernist states of the first and second Pahlavi. This research is based on interpretative paradigm, and it was done with case-oriented approach and historical-analytical method. In this method, research is based on a type of context, temporality and causal conditions. The most fundamental difference that the historical-analytical method has with other methods is the type of research data and the way they are used. Although many sociologists and historians doubt the necessity of narrative in historical sociology, historical sociology recommends emphasizing the connection of a historical process that may not exist to reality, and this implies that the present includes the past; That is, the past that we intend to know more about is how the present has been reconstructed (Hamilton et al., 2008: 112). Based on this, historical analysis does not mean the use of data related to the past, but the narration of the sequence of events and contextual, temporal and processual analysis of historical events. Examining the examples shows the extent and continuity of personal gain in the political structure of the examined governments. Based on the extent (multiplicity) of this behavior, we concluded that this behavior is ongoing in the political structure of contemporary Iran as a habit that carries habitual requirements, and it should be explained accordingly. Based on its continuity, especially in the Pahlavi governments, which created a transformation in the relations and formation of the government with the strategy of modernization, we concluded by citing Elias' theory that this behavior (personality structure) has not changed along with the changes that happened in the government structure. , and as a result, its habitual requirements have persisted. The importance of explaining personal gain from the habitual aspect that leads to a more accurate understanding of the complex process of the occurrence of this behavior in the political structure of contemporary Iran is important because it is a necessary step in the direction of more targeted and correct intervention to correct this behavior.

The purpose of this study was to qualitatively investigate the identity of women in Bandar Abbas city based on consumption and indigenous culture. The research population included all indigenous women of Bandar Abbas city. The research sample was 18 indigenous women, which was selected through semi-structured interviews with purposive sampling procedure considering theoretical saturation. The research method was qualitative and the data was collected using thematic analysis and three-step coding. The findings showed: sociologically, since citizens were members of various social groups, people in multicultural cities experienced a more complicated situation in terms of their formation and understanding of their identity. Consumption was a new lifestyle that affected identity, which led to its strengthening. Therefore, the construction of indigenous identity took place through the consumption of elements of indigenous culture among the women of Bandar Abbas city. "Consumption of space", "occasional and non-occasional consumption of food to acquire identity", "collective and ritual consumption of local elements", "individual consumption to acquire collective identity", and "the identity-giving nature of language use" led to the construction of the core category of "consumption of identity as a lifestyle", which showed that the native identity in Bandar Abbas city was continued based on consumption among native women and more consumption had led to the strengthening of this identity. The characteristic of Bandar Abbas culture was that a set of elements were used in it and a coherent set of elements was provided which had an effect on the specific nature of the actions of women in the society and had become an important source of identity-giving for women and the local society.

First this study has tried to provide a global perspective of intervention programs worldwide through documentary andlibrary methods by collecting and reporting on important government intervention programs in the field of street children. In the second step, the present study, considering its sociological and critical position, has evaluated these programs and tried to reveal the neoliberal view behind these programs and to clarify their role in the vulnerability and instability of these programs. In fact, through a meta-analysis of evaluations of successful programs, the neoliberal view is described as a set of policies and plans that prevent these programs from achieving the goal of permanently eliminating street child labor. The results of this study indicate that intervention programs are designed to increase economic growth and therefore suffer from disadvantages such as temporary, limited, disconnected and non-optimal. From the results obtained and according to the data of the analytical part of the research in the final part, a model has been designed and proposed based on the values of inclusiveness, integrity, quality and sustainability.

According to the procedures of developments, plurality of cultures and the growth of urban modernization, local identity has become divergent from its primitive form and it is in fact undergoing constant changes. On the other side of the coin, this issue has a special notion among the generations. Additionally, present research takes into account the methods of constructive local identity rooted in cultural elements among Bandar Abbas’ citizens. The qualitative methodology devised in this study and required Data composed of semi-structured interview with 28 individuals include Men & Women ranging from 20 to 65 years old. The findings reflect generational differences upon constructive local identity and confrontation with. In fact, the first generation (over 50 years old) has a uniform and cohesive cultural-indigenous identity and resists new identities. The second group (31-50 years) puts elements of both indigenous and non-indigenous identities together, and finally the younger generation (20-30 years) has constructed its cultural identity in an incoherent and dual way.

Specific physical and emotional characteristics and the different origins of crime in women require considerations for them in punishment, which must be specified in admiration, but the lack of gender segregation in the abusive use of crimes against taqsiry indicates that the necessity of this issue for lawmakers is not clear. So the question is how can we explain the necessity of gender rebellion in ta'zir crimes?The method used in this research is a library that was compiled by studying jurisprudential texts and legal texts. In jurisprudential sources, referring to the dignity of women in Islam, the need to pay attention to the preservation of the value of women in all aspects, including obedience, is expressed. On the other hand, in the Islamic Penal Code, several discounts have been made on the amount and type of punishment for offender women. In addition, criminal offenses also have the legal capacity of a gender approach, so that the legislator takes gender stricture according to the physical, psychological and social characteristics of women and the grounds for committing them.An overview of the principles of punishment also clarifies that, in all the principles, consideration of gender considerations is inappropriate, and it is also inconsistent to have a gender-based approach to punitive purposes. Because women will have the same criminal purpose than men with fewer penalties or even different types of punishment. Because women will have the same criminal purpose than men with fewer penalties or even different types of punishment.

Work ethic and low productivity in Iran is one of the social issues that sociologists, policymakers and organizational experts have addressed And they have given reasons for this. various studies have been conducted in government departments and organizations ,But no study has been done on high-efficiency private companies The present study is a sociological study that has been done to study work ethic and its relationship with the division of normal work in three successful private companies in Tehran. The study method was survey and a questionnaire was used. The sample size is estimated to be 350 people who were selected by simple sampling method The results of the research show in the descriptive section, in all dimensions, the dependent variable is work ethic and also the independent variable (normal division of labor) in the studied companies, they had a good situation, and in the meantime, the service company had a better situation than the research and educational companies.

shows how a government approaches the running of the country. Administrative governance behavior shows the type of administrative culture which dominates the country. Administrative culture at its fundamental analytical level looks at the behavioral pattern embracing the country’s administrative system. Taking into account the modern institutional approach, this article intends to define and evaluate the administrative culture as one of the three main components of Iranian administration system. This study used an outsider’s perspective/approach (ETIC) to administrative culture and evaluated nine indexes: institutional collectivism, uncertainty avoidance, future orientation, performance orientation, power distance, in-group collectivism, humane orientation, assertiveness, and gender egalitarianism. Using random sampling method, data was collected from 166 managers, experts, and scholars of management. Findings show that power distance and in-group collectivism are perceived at a higher level, while there is a vital need to improve and develop institutional collectivism, future orientation, performance orientation, uncertainty avoidance and assertiveness. Finally, based on the findings, recommendations are presented to managers and researchers.

Violence is a behavior that is harmful to another, and various studies have shown the role of social variables in its occurrence. Violence in all its forms is one of the social problems of Iran today. So that the statistics of violent crimes in the last decade as well as the results of research show that violent crimes have increased in various forms in recent years. Therefore, this study has been designed provide a sociological explanation of violent crimes based on the components of institutional anomie theory categories in order to provide an explanation of violent crimes in its light. In this study, using the secondary analysis method, the provincial data of the last two decades related to social institutions and violent crimes have been analyzed. Findings show that empirical support for the approach of institutional anomie theory in Iran is moderate and among the structures defined to explain violent crime, disruption and weakness of the family institution and economic dominance have the greatest impact. But the explicit variables selected to measure weakness in the other two institutions may not have been sufficiently explained. The research confirms the statements of the institutional anomie theory that the rate of violent crime increases as a result of the weakening of non-economic institutions. This means that the relationship between non-economic institutions and crime has been positive. As a result, it can be said that the results show the disorder and weakness of the family institution and the dominance of the economic institution over the institutional balance of power and it can be claimed that Iranian society is facing a kind of institutional imbalance and consequent growth of violent crimes.

As women's crime rates increase, gender equality is important in punishing offenses. Therefore, the issues affecting the punishment of women's crimes, including the will to commit a crime and the consequences of the punishment, are addressed. Structural stress theory and role concept are used to investigate these issues. The research method is qualitative through semi-open interviews with four groups of religious scholars, judges and lawyers, criminal law students and women's rights activists. The structural pressure that is exerted on women in different situations provides a passive will and provides them with the opportunity to commit a crime. On the other hand, punishments have more severe consequences, such as physical and mental problems, family and social exclusion for women. These conditions necessitate the application of a supportive approach to punishment, such as a reduction in the type and amount of punishment, the complete abolition of certain penalties and so on.

Since a decade ago, Iran has been in economic crisis and anomic situation. Peoples’ aspirations and goals are of the factors and mechanisms that transform economic crisis into social problems and deviances. Accordingly, present research studies levels of youth aspirations, particularly economic aspirations, and their consequences. Using a survey method, youth between 25-30 years of age have been studied. Results show that a quarter of the population under study have anomic aspirations. Anomia, helplessness, relative deprivation, dissatisfaction with life and deviant behavior are among the consequences of such aspirations.

Hypocrisy as a interpersonal and social phenomenon and it's continuity in socialization experiences draw our attention to a serious social Problem.
The feature of disparity or conflict is the essential core of the concept of hypocrisy . Disparity Pairs such as words versus deeds, pretended belifes versus genuine beliefs or beliefs versus desires are resources for generatiny hypocrisy. Hypocrisy is a interpersonal Phenomenon, but it is extended to social groups, institutions and social organzations. Hypocritical behaviours are two models; self - conscious hypocrisy and self - deception hypocrisy. Since, the cinema is both a social and an aesthetic occasion, Films can reflect the societies which they spring from. In fact, films reflect collective psychological tendencies and moralities of a society.
The research's framework on which this research is based, was conducted by using semiotic approach and also Goffman theatrical performance view a conceptual model of hypocrisy.
This research indicates that normative conflicts exist and that it can lead people to act hypocritical behaviours. Also socialization experiences stimulate hypocrisy. Although, moral integrity is Preached but hypocrisy is thought in society and family. It can considered two main motives: one is self - interest and second is situational pressure together with psychological factors, personality characteristics and habits. Situational pressure is sociological factor and self - interest is psycho- social factor. People definition self - interest based on other people, Groups, situational pressure and society

This research studies the consequences of changes in the mechanisms of society and especially social institutions that have been affected by the trends of social change such as modernization, industrialization, urbanization, bureaucratization and etcetra in Iran. One of these consequences that was investigated in this article is the institutional anomie. In this research, institutional anomie in Iran have been analized with a historical approach and using of secondary analysis of data, mainly secondary historical documents and researches on development programs and social pathology as well as some national surveys in Iran, and comparison with concepts of institutional anomie theory and has been shown its incorporate. The results indicate the growth of individualism, materialism, the erosion of social capital, the domination of the institutions of politics and economics on the institutional balance of power and the institutional imbalance in Iran.

The theory of Aanomie has two principal theorists; the first is Durkheim, the founder of this theory and second is Merton whothat extends and systematizes the theory. However, these theories have fundamental differences that are ignored because of hegemony of Merton’s theory on sociological researches. What is known as anomie theory in sociology and sociology of deviances is theory of Merton mainly. This studypaper aimed to explain and contrasts the anomie theory of Durkheim and Merton, iIn particular to explore their differences. This is important due to false interpretations of these theories. and ignorance their differences in academic resources and social researches on anomie. In addition to the theoretical aspect, due tobecause of anomic situation in Iran, particularly in the last decade about whichthat many experts have consensus about it, this study has application importance as well. and numerous researches that use theoretical framework of anomie theory, this study is necessary and useful. Finally the ways of measurement of anomie areis discussed.
Critical review: The results of this study showed that between Durkheim and Merton anomie theory, from the point of view of the amount of emphasis on the aspirations, goals and means of achieving them, the importance of time and speed of change, anthropology and the origin of aspirations and desires, the emphasis on moral base rather than behavioral norms of order, the effects of social classes on anomie and extend and inclusiveness of explanation there is a difference..
The findings of this study show many important differences between theory of Durkheim and Merton; including different emphasis on goals and aspirations and means that is required to reach them, periods of time and speed of change, human nature and origins of aspirations and desires, emphasis on moral base vs behavioral norms of order, relationship of class with anomie, and the extend and inclusiveness of explanation.
While anomie for Durkheim is defined by unlimited aspirations, from Mertonian perspective, anomie is the lacks of legitimate means offor achieveing limited or even prescribed aspirations. Periods of time and speed of change areis an important and determinant factor for Durkheim, but Merton has no attention to theseis factors. Durkheim pays attention to both acute anomie and chronic anomie, but Merton only studiesd the chronic anomie and for this reason, speed of change was no matter of importance in his theory. Durkheim emphasis on economic crises -boom or bust- and its social and moral consequences. Economic crises are roots of acute anomie. From Durkheimian perspective, anomie occur after economic crises (boom or bust); but Merton completely eliminates the issue of economic crisis. For Merton, unlike to Durkheim, ambition is not infrom the nature of human but is influenced by culture. Durkheim attends to the moral base of order, but versus Merton attends to the normative base of itsocial order. InFor Durkheim’s opinion, higher classes are more exposed to anomie and its consequences like suicide., However,but Merton believesf that achieving goals and aspirations the opportunity of success is not equal for all, and the lower class is more exposed to strain.; Tthus,› this class is more likely to commit crimes or other nonconformity behaviors. From Durkheimian’s perspective, anomic situation can explain only a part of social problems and social deviances, but the theory of Merton triesy to explain the wider range of deviances.
In explanation of differences of anomie theory of Durkheim with anomie theory of Merton, differences in level of development of their societies is emphasized. French society in era of Durkheim was more traditional than to American society in era of Merton. In this French society ambitions and having high aspirations were not normal and condemned. While in American society these aspirations not only prescribed but also encouraged.
In the field of anomic researches, anomie is measured in two main ways; the first, by anomie scales and second by measuring of aspirations and the probability of attainment to them. So, the findings of researches in anomic area not comparable. In none of these methods, there is not same procedure, same statement and same questions. So, findings even in each of these two main ways of measurement of anomie aren’t comparable. Because of this situation, knowledge in area of anomie is less progressive and less cumulative.
Although Merton’s theory of anomie is known as an extensiond of Durkheim’s theory of anomie, but there are important differences between them. Sometimes these differences can guide researches into different ways (such as effects of classes).like the different assumption between these theories about effects of social class on anomie and different emphasis of these theories on aspirations/goals and means). Each of these theories has distinct capabilities. By understanding of these capabilities, it is possible to better use them. For example, unlike Merton, Durkheim has special emphasis on the changes and crises particularly economic crises. With regard to economic crises of Iran during the last decade, the theory of Durkheim is more applicable to explain the situation of Iran. and it is possible to use the capacity of this theory to analyze these situations.
In explanation of anomie situation, Durkheim emphasis on aspirations while Merton emphasis on means and ways to attainment these aspirations and goals. So we can conclude that in rapid social and economic changes, that it is more probable that aspirations arise and social regulations disrupted, theory of Durkheim is more applicable and appropriate.
Differences between these theories and their ambiguities resulted in different definitions, and meanings and measurement of anomie. The result of this study showed thats, because of differences in approaches a single can’t reach to same definition and same measurement cannot be reached, thus each approaches according to its assumptions should have its own measurement according to its assumptions.

In this article it is tried the political culture of Iranian society in a qualitative range of authoritarianism to democratic, to be analyzed. Theoretical perspectives on the political culture of Iran have been formed, Analyzes different and sometimes conflicting with each other are provided; A set of views, political culture of Iran has introduced with characteristics and features of undemocratic and authoritarian. And another group, democratic indexes attributed to it;including the indexes emphasis on high-amount political participation in the different election periods. In this study, using a quantitative survey based on fuzzy data, the political culture of the city of Urmia and Khorramabad, that have the lowest and highest rates electoral participation, is analyzed. Using empirical evidence, will be measured theories and views of Iranian political culture. For this purpose amount membership of citizens in the two sets political culture together were measured:self-expression values against survival values and rational values against traditional values, determines the patterns of their political culture. Research results shows that the pattern of political culture Urmia and Khorramabad somewhat similar to each other. Contrary to previous thought, in none of the two cities, there is no single homogeneous political culture. Thus political values of the masses, that is a set of democratic and authoritarian tendencies ambivalent. And more importantly, the political culture of citizens is not consistent with their electoral participation rate. Thus the argument that the high electoral participation would represent a standard for promotion of political culture and Its democratic that is not consistent with reality.