mohammadjavad javid

The present research aimed at reviewing a key issue, “in post-revolution Iran, under social changes, Iranian family institution has been faced with important challenges such as early or late marriage, changed childbearing and parenting values and appearance of abnormal families.

descriptive-analytical methods were used for a descriptive research. Library method by referring to the books, papers, documents, and internet websites was used.

Social changes in Iran followed by family changes including extended family changing to nuclear family as the most notable one along with reduced family functions and outsourcing them, breakdown in relationships between generations, conflicts of values, changed power structure, the problem of aging, early or late marriage, changed childbearing and parenting values, and the appearance of families abnormal in Iranian society.These changes have resulted in different challenges including violence against women and children, uncertain conditions of widowed women and their children, financial family issues, raising family disputes and divorce, dangers for mother’s lives, increased illegal and irreligious relations, violence and discrimination against women in workplaces. In response to some issues and their damaging consequences, some post-revolution legal regulations based on interpretations of dynamic Islamic jurisprudence have been changed and reformed, but, some of them remained intact waiting to be reviewed to regulate family members’ interactions and their relationships in accordance with contemporary conditions and circumstances

social changes have resulted in shaping different challenges regarding guardianship and headship in family, financial regulations for families, the relatives, child marriage, custody, abortion, white marriage, and women employment etc. These new challenges have had different damages to and consequences for family nature doubling the necessity of accordant legislation and reforms in laws to control and adapt them

Jürgen Habermas is one of the most prominent thinkers of the Frankfurt School, who has sought to reconstruct Marxism through a Hegelian interpretation and elevate the critical theory. Like Marx, he believed in the foundations of modernity and the rationalism stemming from it; however, he viewed modernity as an unfinished project. He argued that a new form of law and justice emerged within the capitalist mode of production, leading to the appearance of independent public sphere institutions. However, in late capitalism, government intervention in private matters and the dissolution of society within the state resulted in the decline of the public sphere, with public institutions taking on a consultative role. Therefore, a significant portion of Habermas's thoughts has been devoted to presenting the theory of "communicative action" to reconstruct the public sphere, as it is only within the public sphere that rationality is found and true democracy takes shape. Habermas offers a framework for a theory of legal democracy based on ethics, politics, and dialogue. His starting point in theories of law and democracy is a dialogue aimed at creating true legal and civic equality, which begins with a critique of two paradigms: bourgeois liberalism and social welfare. This paper, using a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to demonstrate that Habermas's analysis in this area is influenced by Marx's materialistic views regarding the state, even though he attempts to free himself from this constraint and to present a perspective somewhat detached from public law.

In the field of family institution, from the perspective of sociology and criminal law, especially criminology, there are many factors and variables that can be effective in committing or preventing crime. The criminal justice system requires that the roots of the crime and the tendency towards it be analyzed from the smallest element of the society, i.e. the family. Although in criminology, criminals can be divided into accidental and habitual criminals; But in accidental criminals, the roots of crime are activated from the most basic institution of society, namely the family. On the other hand, crime-causing factors generally include physical and genetic factors, emotional and psychological factors, as well as social factors and environmental effects, can be formed from the foundations of the family. Therefore, the family will be recognized as an independent variable and the effect of the family institution on the occurrence or prevention of crime as a dependent variable; Therefore, the factors in the family are analyzed by separating the effective factors in committing crime and the effective factors in preventing crime. The results of the discussion indicate that the challenges of the family institution such as violence, corporal punishment, parents' preoccupation and the like can be effective in the occurrence of crime, and on the other hand, emotional connection with children, family management and religious education can have a direct effect to prevent crime.

After the two revolutions, faith and ideology assumed positions, whether negative or positive, influenced by various factors. This research posits that the political-legal landscapes in the Islamic Republic of Iran and the secular French Republic are shaped and polarized by religious knowledge. The hypothesis advanced in this study is that the two revolutions, occurring in 1789 and 1979 respectively, one contrary to religion and the other compatible with it, had a significant and comparable impact on public law. Within this realm, understanding the polarizing role of governmental legal obligations in either reinforcing or diminishing the burden on a loyal citizen helps elucidate the boundaries of this effect.

While the principles of certainty and legal security are foundational to modern legislation, the transition to the digital age and postmodernism has necessitated the adoption of principles such as uncertainty, innovation, and flexibility in some international legal documents due to the rapid socio-economic developments driven by technological progress. The assemblage theory, informed by the philosophies of Deleuze, Guattari, and DeLanda, offers a dynamic understanding of the actions and network interactions among social actors. This framework facilitates a deeper understanding of institutional dynamics and highlights the necessity of adapting legal dynamics to specific contexts.

Literature Review:

Rhizome thinking, a concept developed by Gilles Deleuze, offers a critical perspective on the tradition of Western philosophy. Deleuze critiques the tree-like, vertical, and prescriptive structure of thought that is rooted in the concept of being, advocating instead for a horizontal, networked, and becoming structure as the foundation for thinking and knowledge. He employs the metaphor of the rhizome to illustrate this alternative mode of thought. Manuel DeLanda offers an alternative perspective that builds upon and modifies Deleuze and Guattari’s assemblage theory. From DeLanda’s viewpoint, entities are collections that increase in scale and complexity as components are added. He asserts that sets are the wholes whose characteristics emerge from the interactions between their parts. Given the existing literature, the assemblage theory has been applied in a limited way to explore the requirements of modern society and the social changes that encompass the civilization process in the contemporary societies of the 20th-century. Assemblage thinking has emerged at the forefront of a paradigm shift, viewing space and agency as the product of connections between humans and non-humans that create unstable wholes. This shift provides new avenues for rethinking the relationships between power, politics, and space from a more processual and socio-material perspective. In recent years, an increasing number of researchers have begun to view the state as a collection of heterogeneous elements, reconstructing the socio-material foundations of its functioning. Geographers, in particular, tend to focus on examining the spatial dimensions of state power. It appears that jurists are among the last groups of scholars to engage with the phenomenon of post-modernism while continuing to adhere to the principles of modern law.

The present study relied on a descriptive–analytical method to examine the feasibility of understanding institutional dynamics in the rule of law process, focusing on the epistemology and sociology of the assemblage theory as articulated by three key figures of this school of thought: Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari, and Manuel DeLanda.

According to assemblage theory, policymaking is conceptualized within a social-material framework known as assemblage. In this approach, process and non-linearity serve as the main forms of policy development. Various actors—including local residents, interest groups, local institutions and authorities, the media, national governments, and sometimes international agencies—contribute to the formulation of policies and laws. The development of policy processes does not follow a linear path; it is not simply a matter of information flowing down the hierarchy from policymakers to citizens. Moreover, it does not consist of a linear sequence of activities over time, such as moving from the formulation of agenda to the approval and implementation of the law. In this sense, politics is not viewed merely as policymaking or as doing politics; rather, it is understood as the occurrence of politics within a multi-level, heterogeneous complex network. The network comprises a set of different non-linear processes, includingdifferent agencies and motives. Consequently, this approach contrasts sharply with traditional models of policymaking and legislation, defining itself as fully participatory.During the transition to the digital age, the rule of law has faced challenges due to the rapid pace of technological advancement, leading to philosophical and procedural revisions. Consequently, the law, which was once considered the foundation of political authority, is undergoing criticism and transformation in response to the emergence of new political actors and shifting rules of the game. Critics of innovation-related harms often advocate for risk-based regulation. Many scholars in law and technology agree that fostering innovation requires a gradual, reflexive, and participatory regulatory approach that incorporates rules from both the public and private sectors. However, due to the uncertainties surrounding innovation policy, some argue that the public sector must fundamentally shift its orientation toward adaptation, co-evolution, agility, and improvisation, resulting in policy recommendations that governments often find contentious. The philosophy of public law must evolve alongside the needs of governance to provide a foundation that aligns with these developments, ensuring that the public interest is not sacrificed to the rapid pace of change or the trial-and-error approaches of policymakers. In this context, the French theory of assemblage, as a postmodern school of thought, has elucidated the interaction between formal and informal institutions in society through a deconstructive approach. Based on the work of Deleuze, Guattari, and DeLanda, the assemblage theory offers a dynamic understanding of the roles and network interactions of social actors, providing a framework for understanding institutional dynamics.

By identifying the creative interactions between social institutions, the assemblage theory paves the way for a dynamic interpretation of emerging legal situations and offers a means to overcome the institutional inertia present in legal traditions—the tradition that inherently resists change and often fails to respond timely and appropriately to institutional developments. Updating the legal doctrine to align with contemporary considerations of citizenship, good morals, and public order can yield more precise responses to emerging issues. Moreover, this proactive approach can help prevent creative compliance and the circumvention of the rule of law under the pretext of urgency and emergency situations.

One of the fundamental principles of good governance is that the functions and activities of administrative and judicial bodies are based on policies and rulings outlined in strategic plans and superior documents. Any deviation from these policies and rulings is considered a divergence from them. In this sense, good governance requires coordination among all pillars of a political system in the formulation and implementation of policies and programs. This study addresses an important paradox, arguing that according to the Law of Permanent Provisions of Development Plans, higher education and research institutions in the country are managed through a key entity known as the "Board of Trustees." These institutions, as an exception, possess the authority to operate independently of the general laws and regulations governing state bodies, and are only subject to the resolutions of their respective Boards of Trustees, allowing them to avoid the rigidities of strict government regulations. On the other hand, the General Board of the Administrative Justice Court also holds the authority to intervene in educational affairs (specifically, the resolutions of the Boards of Trustees) and, if it identifies any conflict with laws and regulations, to annul them. This research seeks to address important questions, including: Has the General Board of the Administrative Justice Court adhered to the country's strategic policies and programs in the science and technology ecosystem when dealing with educational matters? If not, what impacts will this have on the country's higher education system? This issue is significant because the rulings of the General Board of the Court can serve as a precedent in similar cases. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this study concludes that the General Board of the Court, contrary to the prevailing policies in higher education, has failed to recognize the independence of higher education institutions. In doing so, the General Board has relied on Articles 3 and 22 of the Constitution, the Fifth Development Plan, the Law on Regulating a Part of Government’s Financial Regulations, and other laws, arguing that the same regulations governing other state bodies also apply to universities. The reaction of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution in passing the resolution "Exclusion of the Decisions of Committees and Specialized Boards of the Ministries of Science, Research, and Technology, Health, Treatment, and Medical Education, and the National Organization for Educational Testing from the Jurisdiction of the Administrative Justice Court and Other Judicial Bodies" can be analyzed in this context.

Since Epicurus is known as a philosopher who generally advocates hedonism, it is believed that he cannot have a political or social theory. Few traces of him have remained. The difficulty of researching about him increases when we want to go beyond the essence of his philosophy and discuss its tangible legal and social dimensions. Although the importance of Epicurus's philosophy is due to the fact that the study of the philosophy of this period in the post-Renaissance centuries, with the formation of utilitarian schools and subsequently public law and government theory, seems to prove this point. Epicurean philosophy, based on its approach to the philosophy of life and encouraging people to live a life away from suffering and by limiting themselves to less troublesome pleasures, also in the social field, calls people to stay away from the political field and define their own happiness, beyond the reach of the government. The Epicurean state is a small, minimal state formed under the contract of individuals not to harm them, and these institutions are made by human beings who pursue tangible goals.

It is clear that the right to health as one of the fundamental human rights has been extremely important in all periods of history, especially with the development of countries and the emergence of modernity. Violation of health rights has irreparable consequences for the general public of a society and may even lead to a human disaster.  With the epidemic of the Covid-19 (Coronavirus) virus around the world and the need for timely vaccination, the importance of the right to health has been raised more than ever. One of these violations is the violation by government officials. The research method in this research is a combination of descriptive and analytical. The data of this research is collected through referring to documents, regulations, books, articles, and field study, in addition to that, it is set in the statement of the existing challenges with a critical approach in the light of presenting suggested solutions with the researcher's inferential analogy. In this research, the laws and regulations of the right to health in Iran's legal system and its violations, challenges, and approaches, we discuss the possibility of criminal prosecution of government officials as a group of people involved in violating the citizens' rights to health. The findings of the research show that there is a possibility of criminal prosecution of government officials in violation of the citizens' right to health, but there are many challenges on the way, which we will examine in detail and the available solutions.

Sports tournaments are now massive events watched by millions of people all over the globe. The Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) is an institution independent of any sports organization that provides services to facilitate the resolution of sports-related disputes through arbitration or mediation using procedural rules tailored to the unique needs of the sports world. In this paper, the author has attempted to look into and determine the reason of the outcomes of the votes made by this institution, taking into account the significance of the CAS on sports in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The court rulings involving Iranian athletes have been particularly analyzed in this article, with a focus on the rulings that helped Iranian athletes win. The textual content analysis approach was used in this investigation. For examining various communications, including ideas, interviews, documents, observations, and written texts, content analysis is a useful and effective method.

The current research studied and analyzed judgements made by the CAS on matters involving Iranian sports. Despite the fact that fewer than 25% of the lawsuits involving Iranian parties ended with a win for that side, the data revealed that there were indications of Iranian cases failing even in this small proportion.

The Iranian side usually realizes that the other side is right and has a small likelihood of winning, therefore simply complains to the CAS to purchase time, which is one of the key reasons why Iran's cases before the CAS fail

In the modern world, governments strive to extend the right to education, considered a fundamental human right, to all citizens by implementing precise policies, establishing appropriate administrative structures, and defining specific roles for decision-making bodies in the science and technology ecosystem. In our country, multiple institutions, such as the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, the Ministry of Science, Research, and Technology, and the Vice Presidency for Science and Technology, are responsible for making and shaping decisions for the development and deepening of higher education. This article aims to examine the roles of two significant institutions in the country's higher education system (the Supreme Council of Science, Research, and Technology and the National Steering Committee for the Comprehensive Scientific Plan of the Country) that have directly impacted the science and technology ecosystem. Ultimately, the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of the decisions and actions of these two important institutions will be analyzed.

The content of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be considered based on two types of gender discrimination against women, which can be analyzed in two ways: positive and negative. Women have the same rights as men in the field of administrative and labor law, and it is emphasized in the Constitution. Article 21 of the Constitution, targets women's rights and obliged the government to guarantee women's rights in all aspects by observing Islamic standards. However, the requirement to comply with Islamic standards caused the   word political man to be associated with a gendered interpretation in the interpretation of Article 115 of Constitution, without necessarily having such an intention on the part of the legislator. The interpretation of Iran's Guardian Council in 2015  also did not help to solve this problem in favor of women's rights and to achieve equal political rights with men, and this discrimination remains in effect. The research method of this article is qualitative with a descriptive analytical approach and gathering information from articles, books and internet sites. The result is that because the majority of men dominate the administrative affairs, the interpretation of the Guardian Council has led to discrimination against women in practice and unintentionally, and although positive discrimination in favor of women is included in the Iranian  Constitution, but in the practice of interpretation of this Council; its effect has overshadowed and led to negative discrimination against women

Among supporters of natural rights, it is believed that government is necessary and natural, but limiting the sovereignty and power of this government is also essential. The Government has been natural and necessary in natural rights advocate” s idea, following this grand approach, it is essential to the restriction of the sovereignty and power of this government. In public law studies, authority differs from crude or pure power, and the institution of authority is fundamentally linked to legitimacy .The basis of such legitimacy is the early guidance of natural rights that transforms pure force into authority under conditions of legitimacy. The nature of authority has a nature of power that is attached to legitimacy and is called legitimate power. A great example of this authority within the realm of state is sovereignty, which is a tool in the hands of the government. A sovereignty that is bound, not as an absolute entity, but as a relative entity, despite its inherent and permanent characteristics, by natural rules as an absolute entity. The output of this article paper confirms the relativism of sovereignty and absoluteness to natural rules, thereby limiting sovereignty to absolute natural laws.

Political-legal theories about government are mostly based on fundamental principles, which shape the content, form and structure of the state. Meanwhile, principles that are legal in nature of are somehow associated with legal rights have a great influence on good governance. In this paper, the legal principle of "government accountability" as conceived in the thoughts of Shaheed Sadr and Ayatollah Khamenei will be examined. The paper is based on two  assumptions. Firstly, government accountability is a universally accepted rational truth. Secondly, both thinkers share a similar viewpoint about the accountability principle as they are influenced by the same sources. However, their views differ on how the principle should be implemented. Their differences are more related to the realities of their lifetimes, rather than intellectual and theoretical basis.

Peace, as a human right, has been the aspiration of the Afghan people for over four decades, as Afghanistan has been enduring war. However, achieving sustainable peace is not possible without inclusivity, especially with the participation of women, as peace is based on the principles of equality and brotherhood, and its realization is only possible through collective engagement. Afghanistan, apart from the post-Taliban era, has always witnessed the dominion of oppressive and discriminatory ideologies and structures, which have led to numerous conflicts. Wherever there is oppression, there will consequently be. Research Question This article seeks to identify how women can contribute to the realization of sustainable peace in Afghanistan. Therefore, it is based on the hypothesis that by recognizing the official and unofficial role of women in various public domains, sustainable peace is achievable. In peace, the structures and situations that lead to conflict are dismantled.Literature Review. Regarding the role of women in achieving sustainable peace in the public legal system of Afghanistan, no work has been done in Afghanistan yet. However, considering the rapid developments that have taken place in the field of peace in Afghanistan, during my research, a significant number of studies have been conducted. Among these, there is the valuable research report titled "Women's Participation in the Peace Process in Afghanistan (A Case Study)". Another valuable work on this subject has been published by Dr. Omar Sadr under the title "Peace Processes in Afghanistan: People’s Perspectives", published by the Afghanistan Strategic Studies Institute. Another valuable article by Dr. Anahita Saifi, titled "Women, Peace, and Security in Afghanistan from the Perspective of the UN Security Council," was written in 2019. In this article, she examines the role of women in the peace-making process based on Resolution 1325 and the National Action Plan for Afghan Women, as well as the role of international institutions and women's participation in this process. Another valuable book, written by Mohammad Amin Ahmadi, who was also a member of the Afghan peace negotiating team, is titled "Peace in Afghanistan: The Struggle between the Republic and the Emirate." This book covers topics such as avoiding war, defending the republic and parliamentary democracy, a comparative study of the republican constitution and the emirate constitution, defending human rights within the framework of Islamic constitutional law, peace experiences and techniques, and finally, the legitimacy and sustainability of peace. This article has explored new horizons by, firstly directly addressing the issue of peace while considering the Afghan public legal system, and secondly, by being  written concurrently with the latest news of peace negotiations and the confrontation between the Taliban and the Afghan government before the fall of Kabul, and referring to many recent meetings and events for the first time. Hence, it can claim to be new and original in its subject. Alongside that, our outlook on peace in this article is about sustainable peace that goes beyond ending war and conflicts and focuses on good governance and empowerment. This aspect has not been paid attention to in previous articles and sources.

This article aims to contribute to increasing knowledge in the field of sustainable peace, with an emphasis on the role of women. In practical terms, it aims to assist in the current situation of Afghanistan which is on the brink of new developments in its political system, and provide a practical response to women's concerns arising from the Taliban's return to power in Afghanistan, as well as to strengthen the discourse on the role of women in achieving sustainable peace in Afghanistan and help guarantee women's rights as a vulnerable part of the country.  This research has been conducted with a descriptive-analytical method.

Not until the social and cultural infrastructure is fundamentally reformed will top-down reforms to enforce the empowerment of women and project-based plans to increase their contribution in society achieve the desired result.

The analyses in this article prove that the mechanism for achieving peace in post-war Afghanistan has been vertical (from top to bottom), and there have been significant international legal documents and domestic laws based on which many institutions and organizations have been created. However, what has prevented the realization of the goals set to achieve peace in Afghanistan are the structural and cultural problems in this area that have hindered women's participation in the desired positions.Therefore, to achieve peace, the structures and conditions that cause conflict must be eliminated. Moreover, to achieve sustainable peace, we need a structural reform that includes the participation of everyone, regardless of gender and ethnicity, as well as a cultural reform that supports political inclusivity. of the absence of peace in the current situation is evidence that, due to the lack of appropriate conditions for the participation of all Afghan citizens, especially women, the peace process has reached an impasse.

To conclude, although the political system in Afghanistan after the war is defined as a modern and democratic system, its foundation is still the traditional and outdated national and tribal culture that has prevented the engagement of ethnic and social minorities and women in the body of the system as official actors. Therefore, women's struggles in recent years have primarily focused on reforming these structures and breaking down traditional anti-women structures, and because of the obstacles in front of their official actions to achieve sustainable peace, most of their efforts have been carried out through informal channels.

Postmodernism in the contemporary world asserts that there is neither a dominant nor an ideal marriage form as monogamy or even a classical family type. Unlike modernists who sought human issues as permanent entities, postmodernists believe in everything to be of a transient nature. In the same vein, they argue that love and law are ephemeral rather than eternal entities. Mariage blanc has increased in many aspects corollary to this ideology. In a world of no restrictions, postmodernists indulge in short and diverse satisfactions, whereas the classic world believed that long-lasting personal relationships are more important to personal fulfillment and happiness. Therefore, attitude toward marriage for a durable satisfaction is subdued to having a serious relationship. It seems, however, that quality in the relationships is superseded by quantity in the postmodern era.

In times of crisis in different countries, restrictions are imposed to control the crisis so that the government can control the situation in an organized manner; Especially if the crisis is an epidemic. The outbreak of the coronavirus as a global crisis has prompted all countries to try to control the situation by declaring a state of emergency and forming a crisis committee. In line with the declaration of the state of emergency in Qatar, the High Committee for Crisis Management was formed and in accordance with the laws, including Law No. (2) of 2012 entitled "Law on the Establishment of the National Committee for Biosafety", Law No. (17) of 1990 entitled "Law "Counter-communicable diseases", Law No. (13) of 1997 entitled "Law on Stages and Regulations of Emergency Situations" and other laws, regulations and regulations for the control of corona were adopted and promulgated, and thus instead of Iran Suffice it to say, a special legal system was set up. So the question is, "What emergency legal system has Qatar established to control and manage coronary heart disease?" Due to the successful measures of Qatar in controlling the mortality rate due to coronary heart disease and the fact that the legislative system of Qatar has a more appropriate infrastructure compared to Iran, this comparative study is a normative and descriptive-analytical method.

Creating the right legal framework for achieving scientific growth and technological development and thus enhancing the well-being of society. Modernization of the invention of the industrial design is one of the long and distinguished features of the invention of the industrial design which should be considered as a form and subject. Today, the requirement to be a newcomer is both challenging and painful when it comes to industrial property litigation and litigation in litigation and infringement litigation. In Iranian law, both in the field of law and in the field of industrial property and in the judicial process, the issue of the invention of a new invention is very challenging, as in a considerable number of cases, as soon as the holder of the patent claims against the infringer, Filing a petition against the patent holder for "revocation of the patent for being new". In this study, we seek to analyze the condition of being a new legal entity while conducting an economic analysis to find the best rules that reduce these problems and challenges, reduce transaction costs, increase and improve the number and ease of transactions, and thereby increase profitability and social benefits. Let's edit.

Menstruation is one of the most important crises in women's lives and the symptoms that women experience at this stage are among the most important challenges of care. Proving women's menstruation in these conditions can be considered as a main criterion in women's legal status, resulting in changes or decrease in their punishments. In Iranian law, especially the Criminal Procedure Code, some differences in the implementation of women's punishments, which include the postponement of the implementation of the punishment in pregnant women, have been enacted in support of them, but there are ambiguities and gaps in legislation and interpretation of the law regarding some of the conditions of women, such as menstruation. In some cases, the physical condition is an example of the disease, it changes the limits of women's obligations and responsibilities and can be one of the mental illnesses that affect the behavioral states of the individual, resulting in the disruption of the elements of the crime. Menstruation has no place in Iranian criminal law and the law has a structural and legal gap in this regard.

Governments have commitments with respect to the natural rights of individuals. The right to religion and the right to knowledge are two of the citizens’ natural rights which can be defined in compliance with the constitution. Hence, religion and knowledge are among the subject matters of fundamental rights in the Iranian as well as the French revolution. Each of the two revolutions has enjoyed the concept of faith and ideology to such an extent that they have influenced various areas and arenas after the revolution. Therefore, this paper is based on the hypothesis that the two revolutions of 1789 and 1979, one being against religion and the other for it, have had similar impacts on culture and in particular public understanding. In this regard, paying attention to the central role of the state commitments in strengthening and reducing the costs of a believer citizen can serve as an explanation concerning the extent of such impact in the present situation.

Traditionally legal scholars of public law have categorized the legal and political structure of different countries mainly into authoritarian, parliamentary, presidential, semi-presidential and board of administrators, based on the constituent powers of the government, the description of the duties of each power in accordance with its function in the administration of the country and the power interaction between them.The selection of one of these structures is performed during the legal formation of the power structure, and this structure is usually delineated in the constitution.Now, it is important for us to answer the fundamental question, as to which of the aforementioned regimes is compatible with the legal and political system of the Islamic Republic?The hypothesis of this descriptive-analytical research is that the constitutional system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to its emphasis on the foundations of Islamic jurisprudence and its envisioning specific goals that aim to advance the objectives of the Islamic society, is a unique model that cannot necessarily be completely compatible with one of the conventional political-legal systems.Rather, in the best analysis, its relationship with these systems is such that in some instances, they overlap and share, while each possesses its own peculiarities.From this perspective, the result of the research shows that there is a kind of innovation in the style of the Iranian legal-political structure which, due to its formality, necessarily possesses a kind of fluidity.

From the perspective of the [Iranian] Constitution, social justice cannot be achieved through near reliance on pension funds, since such funds are based on principles of profitability, stability, and providing services to the insured. This is so while the purpose of the constitutional legislator in paragraph 12 of Article 3 of the Constitution is to promote welfare and fight poverty in order to achieve social justice for everyone. Therefore, the subject of this paper is about the extent of government intervention in pension funds in order to achieve social justice. The present study aims to examine the principles governing a successful social security plan along with government intervention in pension funds. In this regard, the [Iranian] Social Security Pension Fund has a special place on which the study is focused using documentary-library data with emphasis on the content analysis of the [Iranian] Constitution. The hypothesis of the research is that exercising executive-branch authority in order to implement paragraph 12 of Article 3 and Article 29 of the Constitution should be regarded as undue interference in the way pension funds, and in particular the [Iranian] Social Security Fund invest their capital.

One of the most important issues in equal rights between men and women is paying attention to the natural differences between men and women. From the point of view of human rights, paying attention to women's natural rights is the first step for realizing their rights. The present study will examine the effect of women's physical condition on their rights.

This research is of theoretical type and the research method is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library and has been done by referring to documents, books and articles.

Ethical Considerations:

In order to organize this research, while observing the authenticity of the texts, honesty and fidelity have been observed.

It is very important to pay attention to the right to life, health and health in addition to the right to women's illness. Despite the fact that gender does not make a difference in punishment, we see such differences in the Islamic legal system and the laws of our country that are written on this basis. Differences in the type and amount of punishment, exemption from it and its implementation.

The results of the research show that the non-punishment of women in case of their special health conditions such as menstruation, menopause and pregnancy has not been issued in jurisprudence, Quran, law and medicine, and there is no law in this regard.

"Civil disobedience" as a form of protest in socio-political activities is the act of deliberately violating a valid law for moral protest against the government. The justification of this socio-political idea has seen ups and downs in parallel with the emergence of widespread protest movements against governments in the Western world. One of the concerns of accepting this idea in religious government is philosophical justification based on the existence of a moral and political obligation to "obey the law" in law-abiding religious governments. Borrowing from the posed subjects in the legal and political literature of the West about the two mentioned doctrines, this article deals with the feasibility of combining civil disobedience and the rule of law in religious governments. The result is to prove the possibility of establishing a relative interaction between these two doctrines and accepting the degree of civil disobedience and the rule of law in religious government by separating the formal and substantive analyses of the rule of law. The research method of this writing is descriptive-analytical.

In accordance with Article 21 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Government has a duty to guarantee the rights of women (specific) in all respects and in Article Twenty-nine of the constitution, the state has a duty to provide "publicly" insurance and social security protections for all. Also, to join Iran in Convention No. 102 (1952 Social Security Convention), the government is required to enforce the right to social security for all people, especially women. Therefore, the main question of this research is about the obligations of the government in fulfilling women's claims and exercising the right to social security based on the constitutional. This research has analyzed human rights conventions using library data and emphasizing constitution, laws and regulations and Human Rights Conventions and It is believed that the rule of law for women to enjoy human dignity and social security in accordance with the Constitution and in the field of human rights, preparing the way for poverty alleviation and creation of welfare life in Iran.

Presuming that these principles are disregarded and in order to discover the challenges of this area and settle them, this study, by using analytical-descriptive methods as well as documentary and library research methods, has come to the conclusion that since the legal nature of the General Policies of the Islamic System has not been clarified and the legal position of Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution is still dubious, policymaking by these two is in conflict with the principle of rule of law while other policymaking entities are in conformity with the law of rule principle to a large extent. By taking democracy criterion as a benchmark, the enactments by entities such as Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution, The Expediency Discernment Council and the two above-mentioned ministries are also suspicious and must be deliberated. Therefore, satisfying the disputed public law principles has been generally a missing link of cultural policymaking and due to the dominance of managing, controlling, administrative-cultural policing and engineering, these principles have gradually become faded in cultural policymaking. This is an issue that its solution must be found in increasingly publicizing these entities by direct interference of individuals and NGOs, clarification and adapting a voting system for electing the members of the entities and ultimately, restricting the power of making cultural policies only to ministry of culture while considering the demands of Supreme Leader and parliamentary statutes.