جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Shapur I » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

In the minting of the first Sasanian coins, the details of the designs, faces, figures, and arrays of the king were carefully considered. In this research, the content of a gold coin from the time of King Shapur I (241-272 AD) has been investigated. The shape of the Shah’s face is different compared to other coins minted during Shapur’s time, which shows weakness and withering. There is also a three-horned spear in the hands of two figures around the fire pit on the back of the coin. Dihim’s attachment to Shapur’s foot is one of the important points of the studied coin. For a better understanding of Shapur’s face, the verses of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, which narrates the end of Shapur’s life, have been used. Studies have shown that the image on the studied coin shows the sick face of the king at the end of his life, which is confirmed by referring to the poems of Shahnameh. The three-horned spear on the back of the coin as a symbol of Shiva and the hyacinth of the Kushan religion is a sign of the king’s power and his successes, especially in the battle against the Kushans. It could be said that the three-pronged spear in the hands of the king and Ahura Mazda, the guardian of the hearth and the sacred fire, is a reminder of the submission of the Kushan religion to the Iranian religion, and Dihim is its symbol. From the Sassanid kings, along with a three-pronged spear, fire, crescent, and moon, meaning connection and friendship with Ahura Mazda and the gods Mehr and Anahita. Also, the similarity of the faces of the king and Ahura Mazda shows the same claim that the early Sassanid kings considered themselves to be of Yazdani race and face.

In 2004, a relief was discovered outside of Iranian borders in the far northeast of Afghanistan in a place that was the ancient way to enter the Indian subcontinent. According to the rules and conventions of art in ancient times, as well as the clothing of the main person present in the relief, it was identified as a Sasanian work. The relief was urgently examined and scanned by the French archaeological team present in Afghanistan and also issued in French and English articles in 2005 and 2007, respectively. Because of destroying face and crown of relief, it cannot be confidently attributed to one of the Sassanian kings. However, Francis Grenet believes that this relief belongs to Shapur I. Unfortunately, it is not possible to see and examine the relief up close due to the political and military situation in the area where the relief is located which has been involved in several conflicts between the parties during past years. This study deals with the comprehensive investigation of Rag-i Bibi relief and the comparison of its parts with other Sasanian reliefs, as well as the analysis of the political and cultural background that caused the creation of such a work out of the main centers of Sassanian reliefs of this period. It is concluded that the presence of Bahram II as the hunter King in the center of the relief is probably more correct.

The Sassanid Shapur I (242-270 AD) was able to defeat three Roman emperors in several battles with the Roman Empire. Considering that political-religious propaganda is one of the requirements of the remnants of the Sassanid era, Shapur I decided to create his victories by creating embossed designs and even minting binary coins. Immortalize. In the meantime, a new title to the titles of Shapur I, that is, the title of "king of kings of Iran and an-Iran" appears in the inscriptions, especially the inscription of the Cube of Zoroaster; Although this title has been engraved on two unique silver coins, but it raises the question for this research and that: 1- Creating the title of " king of kings of Iran and an-Iran" in the period of the Sassanid Shapur I and creating a propaganda atmosphere around it How was it? 2- Despite the use of political-religious propaganda in embossed designs and inscriptions, why the title of " king of kings of Iran and an-Iran" has not been used on all official and common coins? This article intends to examine the main reasons for not using the title of Shah of Iran and Iran on coins by examining historical texts and numismatic evidences. The results of this study showed that in addition to the victories of Azineh on the Western Front, which were suggested by some researchers, silver coins were probably only for domestic use, and gold coins were not common coins that could be used by the public. Therefore, only a limited number, which today are limited to only two coins, two commemorative dinars and a single silver dirham, have been multiplied from eastern Turkey for propaganda purposes.

Unlike the Parthians, the Sassanids from the very beginning pursued an aggressive policy towards the Roman Empire. In fact, they sought to retake the lands of their ancestors to the shores of the Mediterranean. It was because of this policy that Ardeshir Babakan was able to annex territories from the Middle East to Iran at the end of his reign. With the rise of Shapur I, the Romans launched an offensive to retake the lost territories to the east, leading to the Battle of Edessa. The findings of this study, which is based on historical documents and reports and with a descriptive-analytical method, show that the Roman emperor was captured by the Sassanids and due to the power vacuum that had arisen in the Middle East, claimants such as Macrianus and his sons, as well as the ruler of Palmyra, ruled the region. Due to the unrest that followed the capture of Valerian in the West and the Near East, the Roman emperors, with the support of the rulers of Palmyra, were initially able to restore the situation in the region to before the Battle of Edessa, but later the rule of Palmyra They also suppressed and restored their power over the region.

Several researchers of the history of Sassanid era believe that when Christianity was accepted as the official religion by Roman Empire during the ruling period of Constantine I, Shapur II as well took Zoroastrianism as the official religion with the help of Adurbad-i Mahrspandan and suppressed the Christians of his empire and tried to persecute them. Since most of the historical documents that the researchers refer to, are Syriac sources, it is not clear that the suppression methods mentioned in these documents reflect the current martyrologis developed from the Roman “saint biography writing” tradition or the martyrologies of Shapur II era are authentic stories of killing Christians in that era. The Syriac sources that report the religious persecution in Shapur II era exaggerate. Their aim is not reporting the historical facts, so one cannot be sure of their content. Probably the persecution in the era had because of economic and political reasons, and had nothing to do with being Christian. Syriac Christians were mostly in west parts of the empire and their lands were important as the lands were fertile and close to the common borders with Roman Empire. The lands of Syriac people were among the greatest producers of agricultural productions in Sassanid Empire and the loyalty of the residents of the regions to Sassanid kings was so important. The study tried to explore the reasons of religious persecution of Christians by Shapur II and criticize the narratives of Syriac Christians of the era on the persecutions.

Shapur Bakhtiar is one of the most famous personalities of the National Front and political activists of the late Pahlavi era. Such a comprehensive study on his personality is important as his presence in the events that led to the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the post-revolutionary events is remarkable and as he is known as one of the main personalities of the National Front. According to different existing stories he is different from the remained common images regarding his membership in political circles. It seems that most of the stories and comments about Shapur Bakhtiar have been reproduced in the late Pahlavi era. Each existing narrative has been produced from various perspectives by different narrators. Relying on different narratives about the Shapur Bakhtiar produced by different parties and factional personalities, the study tried to analyze critically the existing narratives and identify the character of Shapur Bakhtiar.

Due to the written history of urbanization, the City of Bishapur is counted as one of the Sassanid era's valuable examples. Through this city, valuable buildings and monuments were obtained, including the temple of Anahita, hall of Chalipa, eastern and western Ivans (loggias), and related ornaments such as stucco and mosaic. The eastern mosaic Ivan (loggia) is one of the fundamental discoveries and components of the Bishapour royal citadel (Figure5), built in front of Anahita temple, Valerian palace, and hall of Chalipa. This Ivan has the most sets of intact mosaics. It is believed that the Roman prisoners (captured during the battle of Shahpour I and Valerian) were among the first people to teach the Iranians the art of mosaic imagery. May we emphasize that this story cannot be accepted for certain and requires further research. Today, studying the images on mosaics and comparing them with available historical and religious data gives us a new opportunity to interpret them differently than what our ancestors have been telling us for all these years and centuries. Comparing these images with those engraved on Sasanid plates tells us how Anahita (Persian goddess of fertility and wisdom) provides blessings and wisdom for kings and emperors. There is a strong possibility that these mosaics are dated back to Narseh's reign, 7th Sasanid king, and Shahpur I son. The Bishapur eastern mosaic porch (Ivan) is the precious remnant of the Sassanid era in which the greatest amount and most intact mosaics were obtained. The art of creating images using mosaic was pretty much rare in Iran. It is considered that this art found its way to Iran through Roman captivity after the war of ShapurI and Valerian. The study of the mosaic Ivan ornaments is important because it helps us know more about the city's use and historical interventions in it. Neglecting some of the details in motifs and attribution of making these decorations to Roman captives made it necessary to re-examine mosaics and their details. A review of the mosaic motifs and comparing them with historical and religious documents represent a new interpretation that can lead to a more understanding of the construction time and a clearer view of eastern Ivan's role within the royal palace. The purpose of this article is to re-read the mosaic motifs of the eastern Ivan to understand the architectural use of the mosaic Ivan, the possible period of construction, and understanding the story told by mosaics. This historical and descriptive study was conducted by comparing the images and motifs. Based on the results and findings of comparing mosaic motifs with reliefs and the same motifs on dishes and containers, the mosaics' images can be considered a glorious ceremony of giving splendor by the goddess Anahita to an important person (Figure 7). But who is this person? Considering the incompleteness of the mosaic motifs in the northwest and southwest fronts of the Ivan, it is impossible to express the person's identity in question (Figure 9). Still, by reviewing historical events and examining the fundamental changes in the art of this period during different years, perhaps a new hypothesis can be put forward about the possibility of building an Ivan by someone other than Shapur I. The first step is to search among the people who showed the most attention towards the goddess Anahita and showed her their support. The importance of this goddess is evident in the Sassanid Dynasty. But what is the reason for not attributing the mosaics to the Shapur I? With Shapur I's arrival, the image of Anahita was removed from coins and was replaced by Ahura Mazda. While even the quality of implementation of motifs is not the same as the similar examples built by the Romans in Antioch (Figure 4), how can solely because of the presence of Roman captives at Bishapur, assign the construction of mosaics to them? Also, Ivan's space in Bishapour is different from the Ivans in other royal buildings in the Sassanid period (Figure 1). Neither of these two porches is located along the principal axes of the Chalipa Hall. This is so obvious that Girshman does not consider the period of construction of the mosaic Ivan and the hall of Chalipa to be simultaneous. Sarfaraz has also found another layer of red mortar under the mosaic layer of the mosaic courtyard (western mosaic Ivan), which was thought to be the oldest flooring layer. Before examining Anahita's clothing, it is necessary to return to the issue of the dissimilarity of the Ivan with other spaces called Ivan in royal palaces. Lionel Bier believes that the discovered parts are a small part of a larger building. Azarnoush also considers the two buildings of the west and east Ivans along with the Chalipa Hall as a temple for the worship of Anahita. According to this, the Bishapour royal citadel plan was compared with the plan of an important religious complex such as Takht-e Soleiman. The number of similar cases in terms of plan form and the arrangement of spaces and structure is so numerous that the possibility of religious use for Bishapour can be considered probable (Figure 2). Furthermore, during the first Hormozd, Anahita's dress was different on the coins than the clothes in the mosaics of Bishapur. In the coins related to the second Bahram, her crown lacks a bullet above the head. So, the first similarities in the motifs of mosaics with Anahita are visible from the period of Narseh. According to Girshman, in the third century AD, the Sassanids' woolen and silk fabrics rarely had a pattern. We should consider that the use of patterns on the fabric has probably become common with the construction of weaving centers in Khuzestan by Shapur II (Table1). In terms of clothes, hair, and narrated subjects, mosaics' motifs have tremendous similarities with relief and motifs of coin attributed to the Anahita in the next periods. Also, there are some similarities in the description of the fifth Yasht regarding Anahita's appearance with a piece of the mosaic decorated with the woman lying on the pillow. Therefore, it should be studied in the history between 276 to 379 AD from Bahram II to Shapur II. Finally, by comparing the motifs of Mosaic Ivan with other remaining motifs of the goddess Anahita on the coins of the Sassanid period, the motifs attributed to Anahita on the carvings and sculptures discovered from the Arbabi mansion of Hajiabad, it was concluded that the motifs implemented on the mosaics are completely Iranian in terms of faces, clothes, and sitting posture. The weakness in the implementation of the motifs and the method of preparing the Bishapour mosaics is probably due to the implementation of those who learned this art from Roman captives in the past and later performed it at the request of the king. During these 100 years, one of the people who explicitly mentions the goddess Anahita is Narseh, Shapur I's son. Since his monarchy has been taken away, he clearly turns to Anahita and receives the ring of power from her (Figure 6). Narseh owes this victory to the goddess Anahita's support, so he wants to show the power, glory, and support of Anahita. The best place for this is his hometown, which was established by the order of the powerful Sassanid king, Shapur I. According to the issues mentioned above, it is more likely that the mosaics were made by order of Narseh to thank the goddess Anahita and to show her support in a city that is probably a collection for the worship of this goddess.

The body of the individual is like a small realm within the world that belongs only to that individual. Only through a physical vessel can a man be present in the universe. Our embodiment or physical and mental experience of existence is the modality through which we connect to the world around us. But when we speak about a king (in this case, Shapur I), we must know that the body of the king cannot be regarded the same as the body of other people, because kings have two bodies, the physical body and the symbolic one. The king's physical body disappears after his death and falls to the ground, but his symbolic body will continue to live upon the death of his physical body. It is possible to understand this through a reading of the King's images using an embodiment perspective lense. There are two ways to study archaeological evidence from the perspective of embodiment. First, to look at bodies as a theatrical scene in which social concepts and power relations are depicted. Secondly, to interpret the body as an object and part of the material world using a phenomenological approach. In this study, we will define and interpret the two bodies of the king and explore the question of how the second body of a king is created through the empodiment approach to the depiction of Shapur I's in reliefs and a reading of his behaviors in them. Secondly, to interpret the body as an object and part of the material world using a phenomenological approach. In this study, we will define and interpret the two bodies of the king and explore the question of how the second body of a king is created through the empodiment approach to the depiction of Shapur I's in reliefs and a reading of his behaviors in them.

During the history of Iran, especially the Sassanid period, a number of religious, political and social elites who intended to reform the structure of society became the victims of the socially disadvantaged background of the same situation in which they were determined to reform. Among these elites Mani can be mentioned. What characteristics of Mani is among the elites and why and how to support and excuse him by the Sassanian kings or in other words, the analysis of the connection and separation between them within the framework of Vilfredo Pareto's elite theory is the goal this research is based on. The research method is descriptive- analytic. This research shows based on the cultural, religious and political complexity of his time, Mani established a ritual that was partly ecstasy with other religions. This ritual initially was paid attention by Shapur I who sought to rule Iran and Aniran, because it included the religions of all the Imperial kingdoms and brought about unity in the realm of the Imperial kingdom. Later, Bahram I the elders and courtiers did not only stand Mani because of the fear of becoming the successor of the king, but because of envy of his knowledge, ability, hallmark and popularity murdered him and prosecuted his followers.

Since some of the Roman emperors launched massive religious prosecutions against Christians, a large number of them entered Iran during the rule of the Parthians. Christians even enjoyed a good opportunity to hold their religious affairs during the reign of the first Sassanid kings, especially Shapur I. However, Christianity became the official religion of the Roman Empire in the fourth century AD, there has been, for more than a century, a prevailing hypothesis among scholars of history that Shapur II placed Christians under intense religious prosecutions in the fourth century AD. The syriac testimonies dating back to the fifth century AD which traditionally dealt with this issue are the main sources show these prosecutions. With the assumption that such events have taken place and on the basis of it, some researchers, on the other hand, have attempted to interpret the limited resources left from the fourth century AD. Various related resources, including those of the fourth century AD and the Syriac testimonies have been examined, in present study, and it has been shown that there are many contradictions and prejudices in reports of Christian resources about the religious prosecutions were enacted during the reign of Shapur II that cause serious doubts about their credibility. Finally, it has been made clear that Christian rituals did not lead to extensive prosecution in that period and the Christian community continued to grow during the rule of Sassanid Empire.

Because of being located in a geographical position, some cities had special and significant importance in Iran history, Susa is one of them. This city has had great position due to its historical precedence in Elam and Achaemenid era and was regarded as one of the key places in the history of Iran. Susa had significant commercial-political position in Sasanian era because of being located in the way of the Silk road, however, most of the evidences are indicative of its eco-political fall in Sasanian era. Thus using historical evidences and documents, archeological findings and historical method and also relying on the references of that era, this paper attempts to investigate the position and significance of the Susa and the reasons of its fall in Sasanian era. First the geographical position of Susa is mentioned then with regard to its geographical position the reasons of its fall in Sasanian era are discussed.

The relief of Khan Takhti was carved on a rock outcrop in the Pir Chavoush Mountain located next to the village of Khan Takhti some 30 km from Salmas, West Azerbaijan. The relief, which depicts two male figures from the Sassanian royal house and two standing figures, has been dated to the early Sassanian period. Several orientalists and scholars have studies the relief and advanceddifferent theories about it. In particular, some have viewed the standing figures as Armenian noblemen, while other have regarded them Parthian princes. The main question in the present paper is the lack of consensus between these scholars and the inconsistency found between their writings and the archaeological evidence. Attempts have also been made to draw a conclusion after exploring the orientalists’ views. Most of these scholars have associated the standing figures withthe Armenians, while it is not possible to make a reliable judgment in this regard without taking into consideration the important role of the archaeological finds in substantiating the presence of a certain state, the extent of its power and the impact that its material culture can have on the cultural and art works. From the perspective of the history of art, it is also possible to confirm the Sassanian affiliation of these figures through comparing the garments and the crowns of themounted figures in this relief to the related examples on the contemporary coinage and stone reliefs. Finally, the contradictions and inconsistencies in the positions offered by the western orientalists all suggest that either they have not visited the relief under consideration in person or have not studied it comprehensively. Therefore, the earlier scholarship on this relief must undergo acomplete re-evaluation from an Iranian perspective.

With the eight Sassanians reliefs, Naghsh-e Rustam in Marvdasht is a prominent complex safeguarding a complete collection of the Sassanian period. Seven of these reliefs have been repeatedly the subject of investigations thanks to their relatively better conditions. The fifth relief, however, has not yet been studied due to their damaged status. It depicts the full-face portrait of a Sassanid king carved in relief. Historically, in other Sassanid reliefs as well as coins and vessels alike, the same method was exercised to portray kings. The king carved in this relief is wearing an embattled crown posing him as Shapur II (309-379 AD). Since no relief had previously been associated to his long 70-year reign, relating this relief to him was highly welcomed by researchers. In a bid to identify the king in the relief, and through a close investigation of the relief and compare it with another ones, this study compared the mixed opinions on four different kings (Shapur II, Adhur Narseh, Shapur III and Shapur I) who might possibly be carved in this relief. Finally, the possibility of assignment of the relief to Shapur I is discussed.

One of the most important building in Nagsh _e_ Rustan near Persepolis which is very important from historical and religious aspects is the cube of Zoroaster. Although the cube of Zoroaster is dated to achaemenid period but shapur I and kartirs rock reliefs on the wall of that building is very important to recognize the sassanid period. the trilingual inscription of shapur I. in acids Pahlavi sassanian Pahlavi, creek give us precious information’s abut sassanian period. The inscription has the most complete information about sassanid authority, descriptions of Iran and Rome wars, titles of honor and posts in sassanid court.