critical discourse analysis

In the present era of cognitive warfare, the main tool for achieving the expansionist goals of imperialist powers without military confrontation is cognitive warfare. Cognitive warfare is a combined approach that utilizes the non-kinetic capabilities of the virtual space to achieve victory in war without physical confrontation. After the death of Mahsa Amini in 1401 (2022), the enemy used media tools to engage in cognitive warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran.Therefore, the present study aims to identify the cognitive warfare and media agenda-setting of the Iran International news agency using the critical discourse analysis method of Teun van Dijk, and the statistical population of news published by Iran International from Shahrivar 1401 (August/September 2022) to Dey 1401 (December 2022/January 2023).The research results indicate that the news texts of Iran International, in terms of lexical style, prominent individuals and institutions mentioned in the text, othering, citations, presuppositions, and associations and suggestions, are attempting to shape discourses through the launch of cognitive warfare using media tools. The discourse analysis of Iran International's news texts revealed that the main discourse of the Iran International website is not "freedom," "pressure," "harassment," and "mandatory hijab," but rather an attempt to undermine freedom in Iran.

Critical discourse analysis as an interdisciplinary approach seeks to decipher the ideology hidden in the text. Today, translators consciously or unconsciously change the ideology governing the original text by choosing their own equivalents and structures in the translation. The aim of this research is to examine some political news related to Iran which were reported in French newspaper Le Figaro according to Farahzad's three-dimensional model. To achieve this objective, the political news cited in the national media of Iran and the translation of these news in Le Figaro are examined and analyzed from the point of view of intertextuality, discourse analysis and selection of translations, according to Farahzad's three-dimensional model, to decipher the ideology and hidden thoughts of this French newspaper. The results obtained show that the positions of this media against Iran indicate that this media has a specific ideology to publish information related to Iran and follows a specific policy.

In this era, cognitive warfare is the main tool to achieve the developmental goals of arrogant powers without military conflict. Cognitive warfare is a hybrid approach of cyberspace non-mobile combat capabilities to win a war without physical confrontation. In 1401, after the death of Mahsa Amini, the enemy used media tools to use cognitive warfare against the Islamic Republic of Iran. So; The present research tries to identify the war science and media flow of the BBC Farsi news agency with the Vandyke critical discourse analysis method and using the statistical community of news published by the Farsi-language media BBC Farsi in the period from September 1401 to December 1401. slow The results of the research indicate that: BBC Persian news texts in terms of lexical style, people and institutions mentioned in the text, neutralization, citations, presuppositions and associations and insinuations, are trying to launch a cognitive war through media tools; form discourses; Discourse analysis of news texts of BBC Farsi media showed that: the main discourse of BBC Farsi website regarding the news coverage of the protests after Mahsa Amini's death was "mandatory hijab", "police violence", "lack of freedom and justice". ", "violation of human rights", and "public dissatisfaction".

Cultural policy in the multicultural society of Iran has become the most important challenge and problem of governments since the modern era and in the period of the Islamic republic of iran. In the current research, rather than asking the why of this cultural order, how to establish this order is questioned; the  main issue is to determine the position of ethnic and religious diversity in this cultural order and the consequences of this discourse formulation for cultural pluralism in post-revolutionary Iran and through the upstream documents, one can understand the challenges and gaps and identity inconsistencies. The current research has chosen its main problem from one of the main challenges of modernity and the postmodern era, which is the possibility of government intervention and planning in the field of culture. The fundamental assumption is based on the principle that the category of planning and cultural policy is theoretically problematic and discursive, and practically contains many complications and contradictions that require theoretical exploration.

In this research, the discourse analysis of Laclau and Mouffe has been used to understand the way of constructing ethnic and religious diversity in the cultural policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this research is to analyze the existing cultural order and discourse within the framework of the cultural policy of the Islamic Republic. The studied field is upstream documents. in this regard, we analyzed the discourse of the Constitution, the general principles of the country's cultural policy, the document on the fundamental transformation of education, the cultural engineering map of the country, and the charter of citizen rights. The discourse theory of  Laclau and Mouffe has been the guide of the analysis in this research in the theoretical and in the methodological part. according to Mouffe, any order is political and is based on a form of exclusion and there are always other possibilities that have been suppressed and can be reactivated. Discourse analysis analyzes and interprets text or writing or speech through a set of tools. In this research, the upstream documents related to the cultural policy have been examined as the research field and research texts.

In the articulation of cultural policy in upstream documents, elements of the identity and culture of ethnic and religious diversity have been linked together around the nodal point that cultural differences have been ignored and more emphasis has been placed on common elements of cultures and different cultural elements have been rejected and marginalized. In upstream documents, the nodal point, the Islamic-Iranian identity, has been a prominent and privileged sign, and the ethnic and religious identities have been ordered and articulated under the shadow of these signs. In upstream documents, the political, social and cultural issues of the ethnic and religious identities have been placed in the field of discursivity in order to stop the flow of differences and build ethnic and religious diversity as a homogeneous whole and aligned with the Islamic-Iranian identity, and finally build a center that is the Islamic-Iranian identity to achieve the meaning of the Islamic Republic.

Analysis:

Research shows that the reality of ethnic and linguistic diversity in Iran is less denied as a reality; However, the identity coordinates of different ethnicities and nationalities are reduced to an anthropological issue to the extent of differences in the style of clothing, music, rituals and ritual poems, or ethnic conflicts and the identity of ethnicities and religions as an economic issue and the consequence of the backwardness of ethnic areas is analyzed and explained, and the reality of ethnic  and religious identities as independent identities that have identity demands is not accepted. In Iran's multicultural society, only through a pluralist system can the dangers of a monocultural political system be avoided; A kind of cultural order that allows the acceptance of multiple rationalities and competing and multiple hegemonic projects to survive.

The concept of political sovereignty implied in the upstream documents indicates a tendency toward centralization; in fact, the implication within the framework of the discourse of state cultural policy, drawing upon the central signifier of Iranian-Islamic identity, has given the floating signifier of political sovereignty a meaning that connotes centralization and political and cultural authority, which is associated with the signifier of cultural and social engineering. This interpretation has influenced the moralization of ethnic and religious conflicts and the construction of the discourse of "acceptance while reducing and suspending ethnic and religious differences" in Iran. What is absent in state cultural policy is an agonistic approach. For this reason, we are witnessing various forms of antagonism in Iranian society that challenge the dominant cultural order. Therefore, in the diverse society of Iran, fostering a multicultural order can prevent the risks of a monocultural political order; an order that allows for the coexistence of multiple rationalities and competing hegemonic projects.

The Iranian New Left, which emerged in the 1990s, has been influenced by the works of Frankfurt School thinkers and other Western neo-Marxist thinking. One of the most prominent challenges for the New Left in studying Iranian history and culture has been the issue of Iranian identity. This article critically analyzes the Iranian New Left discourse on Iranian identity using Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method. The analysis reveals that by ignoring the context of Iranian history and culture, the New Left portrays elements of Iranian identity in a translational and imitative way, often using labels such as fascism, chauvinism, and racism to promote their ideology at the global level from the Western New Left and at the national level, to recruit hostile forces toward Iranian identity. However, the infinite set of contradictions and theoretical conflicts has made the entire discourse face a crisis, making it ineffective in the social context.

abstractThe purpose of analyzing the critical discourse of music policies in the government was based on justice, and the method of qualitative research and analysis was based on Fairclough method. The field of research of the laws of the Ministry of Guidance includes the laws of licensing in the matter of music approved on 12/12/1365, the duties of this ministry regarding the need for licenses for educational institutions and concerts are stated: 1- Law on the closure of cultural units. 2- Institutions that were established without a legal license approved on 10/7/1372, their supervision regulations approved on 6/27/1375 Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution. 3- The document approved by the Minister of Culture on 7/7/1379, paragraph 22, refers to the establishment or liquidation of cultural institutions in the country and the supervision of activities, and regarding the production of musical works, paragraphs 22 and 23 of Article 2 of the Law on the Duties of the Ministry of Islamic Guidance approved on 12/12/ 1365 refers to the issuance of permission for the establishment or liquidation of audio and visual tape producers. The purposeful sampling method is selected from 87 texts. The measurement tool was qualitative, the analysis method was based on linguistic indicators, the results showed that the policies of musical stage performances in this period have tried to present music as a tool for spreading cultural justice and attracting participation, but on the other hand, with challenges such as ambiguity in Jurisprudential foundations, lack of music policy

Seyyed Ahmad Mostafavi Khomeini (1946-1995) is the son of Imam Khomeini, as one of the important political activists before and after the Islamic Revolution. Although he is well known as one of the first-hand sources of contemporary political historiography due his presence and activity during the struggle and exile and Imam's leadership, in research,, his opinions and political life are rarely mentioned. Administration Imam's Beit (house) during the exile, struggles, and establishment of the Islamic revolution, developments related to the imposed war, issues related to the dismissal of the deputy leadership and the writing of the Ranjnameh are among the turning points of his life. The issue of this research is why Ahmad Khomeini wrote the Ranjnameh. In the present study, an attempt is made to explain the text of Ranjnameh as one of the most important political letters in the history of contemporary Iran, using the approach of analyzing the critical discourse of Norman Fairclough and the role of Ahmad in the developments of the first decade of the Islamic Revolution. Using this approach, the base is processed and checked in the index. The findings of the research show Ahmad Khomeini, considering the political and social situation of Iran in the 1980s and variables such as Imam Khomeini's illness and the changes in power relations in the 1960s, tried to create a new political and religious meaning in the field by compiling the manifesto. In line with political identification, the reproduction of the ideological beliefs of the Islamic Revolution, the consolidation and organization of the public consent for the selection of the new successor of the leadership and the persuasion of the public opinion.

The present article delves into the underlying motives and techniques employed by Western media in portraying Iran and Russia as adversaries. The study is underpinned by two primary theoretical frameworks, namely the advertising model and critical discourse analysis, which are utilized to scrutinize the language and social context of media texts. The central research question seeks to unravel the reasons behind the demonization of Iran and Russia by Western media. This article is an explanatory study that draws on library sources, and the method of analysis employed is discourse analysis. The findings of this research reveal that demonization is utilized by the West as a propaganda tool due to cultural and political disparities, nuclear concerns, support for terrorism, global threats, and regional competition. The creation of negative and hostile images of these countries serves to exert economic and political pressure while simultaneously presenting a positive and amicable image of Western actions. Western media commonly employ terms such as "regime," "dictatorship," "paramilitary," or "proxy" to describe Iran and Russia, while using positive terms such as "government," "democracy," "army," or "partner" to describe themselves. The language used by Western media reflects the interests, biases, and agenda of media owners.

Freedom has been one of the main slogans and demands of the people in Iran's Islamic Revolution, but its meaning as an abstract concept has always been controversial. In the years after the Islamic revolution, various political currents have sought to give meaning to the signs of the Islamic revolution, including the sign of freedom, based on the intellectual foundations of their discourse. Ayatollah Misbah Yazdi is one of the thinkers who has always tried to correct and clarify the religious view of the values of the Islamic Revolution during these years. This article seeks to understand his view on the category of freedom, and its main question is, what does freedom mean in Ayatollah Misbah Yazdi's thought? The result of this research shows that the concept of freedom from his point of view is: "Freedom from sensual desires and desires". In this article, a library method has been used to collect information, and to understand the concept of freedom in Ayatollah Misbah Yazdi's thought, Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method has been used.

The decline of America is a topic that has been the focus of Iran's scientific and political communities, however, less attention has been paid to its internal aspects, including the difference of opinion between conservatives and liberals in the field. This difference of view has been crystallized in the two areas of defining American identity and America's international position. The existence of different views has caused a lack of agreement to stop the decline and the common identity is weakened. Using the method of critical discourse analysis, this article examines the speeches of prominent people of the two main American parties, focusing on the period of Trump's rise, in order to identify themes related to decline. The theory of social identity and specifically the concept of common identity within the group has been used to analyze the data. The results of this analysis confirm the existence of a deep difference in the definition of what America is, and at the same time, there is a consensus in matters such as American exceptionalism.

The advent of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the redefinition of geopolitical codes led to the production of new discourses whose floating sign consisted of Iran's confrontation with the West’s geopolitical field. In order to produce a counter-discourse against the United States, Iran seeks a compensatory mechanism to manage the effects of sanctions on its economy, resulting in a 25-year Iran-China strategic plan. From the perspective of critical geopolitics and Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, this study has reviewed the text of the 25-Year Iran-China Cooperation Plan in order to identify and analyze its geopolitical propositions and trends. Accordingly, the text was examined in three scales: agents, actions, and context. At the agents’ scale, China has been identified as the guarantor of security. Findings from this critical analysis showed that the floating sign in the text was to ensure Iran's geo-economic security against US sanctions. The meaning of the second identified reference, or geopolitical threatening reference, is the United States and Western Europe (Western geopolitical field). Iran seeks to create a geopolitical society discourse based on the text of a 25-year plan by identifying examples of threats against itself and China. In terms of actions, China seeks a strategic partnership with Iran by taking two steps to raise the issue of Iran on the non-security agenda and to distance itself and impose its position. In the third scale, the impact of the threat-generating actor on the context (25-year plan) was first examined, during which the United States seeks to minimize Iran's achievements by attaching the 25-year plan into Iran's nuclear program.

One of the issues addressed in Persian language textbooks is the representation of identity. The learner communicates with a set of phrases and sentences that, in the lower layers, reflect the quality of the collective identity of individuals in society. The present article has been compiled based on descriptive-analytical method and citing library resources. Its statistical population is a collection of Persian to Persian textbooks. In order to study the ideology of the text and how to represent the identity, the analyzability of the texts was assessed and neutral texts were removed from the body and ten texts from the middle and advanced levels were selected. The results showed that religious, national, cultural, political and social identities have been considered many times in a coherent process. According to the model of Van LeeWen, The category of identity is represented by the methods of backgrounding, activation, identification (nomination) and specification and various meanings of identity are represented by the application of the mentioned components.

Critical analysis of discourse examines the relationship between language and thought and, reveals its intellectual and hidden aspects and the relationship between the text and the author by unveiling the sub-structures of language, and tries to focus on why and how in addition to the use of language and also consider its sociological components.This study seeks to analyze the content of “ASharq Al-Awsat” newspaper about the method of representing the assassination of Martyr Qasem Soleimani by a qualitative-analytical and exploratory method based on the socio-semantic principles of Wan Leeuwen’s discourse, (as a special analytical model that discusses about the textual appearance of representation in discursive structures), and with its help, reveals how the assassination of Martyr Soleimani and the presentation of political and social actors of the opposite parties (Iran-US and its allies) are represented, also it manifests the hidden links of ideology-domination as well as the complex textures and hidden layers in the discursive structures by analyzing their meanings.Drawing a turbulent Middle East by showing the action of General Soleimani in a negative light, negatively representing and isolating neighboring countries such as Syria, Iraq and Lebanon in relation to Iran's actions, giving a role of extremist and deviant to Iranian actors based on the role and social and political function, establishing unequal space within the Islamic Republic system and drawing conflicting and domineering figures for the character of Martyr Soleimani, are some of the biases of this Saudi media to guide the audience in the desired direction.

Discourse analysis is a method that has been developed in the context of postmodern thought. In the present study, Aref Qazvini's lyric poems have been studied and analyzed in the framework of critical discourse analysis and using the representation model of Van Levon's social agents. The main issue of the research is as follows: How Aref has used the naming and classification of social actors to express his views. Based on this, first the naming and classification components in each bit were determined, then by statistical calculations and according to the frequency of the components, the amount of references was determined. In this research, using descriptive-analytical method and using library-documentary sources, the researcher has studied and read the issue of naming in the field of Aref Qazvini poems and has discussed the reasons for using these names. The results of this study show that Aref has used the most explicit components such as naming to represent social agents. Also, the methods of representation and illustration of social agents show the mystic position well.

This paper is the qualitative analysis of comments presidents about economic issues to explore the discourse of public administration of governments of the fifth to twelfth. Method research is based on the Fairclough's critical discourse analysis. The research statistical population is the president's comments in the economic sector in the four periods of the sazandegi, eslah_talaban, abadgaran, and tadbir_o_omid. 25 texts were selected over the years 1368 to 1399, as samples that based on saturation purposeful sampling method. The results of the research in the sazandegi governments with the nationalist discourse, the eslah_talaban with the legalist discourse and tadbir_o_omid with the citizenship discourse show that the issues of of government’s "downsizing the government, devaluing the currency, controlling liquidity in society, reducing dependence on oil, attracting foreign investment, reducing imports, making the economy more competitive, and increasing economic growth" have been extremist. In the abadgaran government, the type of discourse is fundamentalist, a discourse that was given a targeted the poor.

This research uses policy critical discourse analysis to redefine the problems of the development of electronic fund transfer at the point of sale plan in Iran. The main argument of this research is that in the policy makers’ discourse – largely adopted from the dominant international discourse– a limited definition is considered for the participation of other stakeholders. This issue leads to complex social challenges. Considering information technology trend that is leading to a fundamental change in policy makers’ role and decentralization of policy process, taking an open approach and incorporating local views from the initial stages of policy formulation are ever-increasing necessities.

The purpose of this study is to understand the internal logic and semantic structure of Hassan Rouhani's speech at the UN General Assembly in 2018. The question is, influenced by the changing context of Iran's foreign policy following the unilateral withdrawal of the USA from JCPOA, in this speech, what political goals, how and in what framework, behind what speech acts and under what semantic structure is expressed. With a practical understanding of Fairclough's method, the text is described in vocabulary order, then its strategies are interpreted, and finally its conceptual, value, and directive structures are extracted. The results show that the text is based on the perception that the world of international politics is a civil society in which international law and organizations are the most original values and key institutions, so to protect of the IRI as a committed member, decisive and united confrontation to USA as the outlaw member with other members is necessary. In accordance with the Context, the semantic structure of the text can be explained in order to direct the great powers against USA unilateralism around the JCPOA axis and with the aim of taking advantage of the capacities available in this directive action.

According to Foucault's theory, no text is free of ideological inductions. Today, critical discourse analysis can reveal the ideologies and beliefs that cast a shadow over the text. In the present study, 12 texts from domestic newspapers in the field of resistance economics have been analyzed according to the sociological-semantic concept of Leeuwen (1996). The findings confirm the main hypothesis of the research and indicate that the components of "deletion", "activation / passivation", "characterization / unidentification", "reference gender / reference type" and "abstraction / objectification" have been used in the texts of resistance economics. Among the data, seven newspapers that were closer to the core of power were more explicitly involved in reporting on the resistance economy proposed by the Supreme Leader, and five newspapers, which were mainly run by the economic community, were more secretive. The results also show that the more communication with the nuclei of power in society, the more explicit and the less access to sources of power, the less explicit in the expression of ideas. It is worth mentioning that the results of this research can be useful for the media to deal with the resistance economy, regardless of any particular bias or belief, and to be more diligent in expressing the importance of domestic production and economic dependence on other countries in this economic crisis and cowardly sanctions.

The purpose of this article is to examine the religious ideas governing the foreign policy of the Zionist regime through discourse analysis of the statements, speeches and programs of its prime ministers over the past two decades. The main question of the research is how Jewish religious beliefs are reproduced in the words of the Israeli prime ministers in the field of foreign policy?
Research

The research method is Fairclough critical discourse analysis, which we analyze based on three levels of description, interpretation and explanation of selected texts and show what narrative of these textual factors reflects the social relations and in particular the foreign policy of this regime.

The findings show that the foreign policy discourse of the Israeli Prime Ministers (from various political parties and spectrums) is strongly influenced by the Jewish religious political culture, which is based on the general policies of foreign behavior, especially its conflict with Muslims, Arabs and It reflects the Palestinians.

The results of assessments of the textual factors and discourse positions of the three prime ministers of the Zionist regime show that these leaders base their foreign policy mainly on conflicting religious identities, discourse conflicts, Jewish holy precepts, the existence of fundamental conflicts and conflicts with Muslims. In this way, they legitimize their 70-year-old violence, expansionism, and continuing aggression against the Palestinians.