structure

The concept of “policy entrepreneurs” was introduced as a theoretical concept in Kingdon’s research. Kingdon’s framework considers the role of the individual in the policy process to be important and explains why change may or may not occur. Kingdon calls these individuals entrepreneur who devote “time, energy, reputation, and sometimes money” to promoting their preferred solution for a policy problem. After Kingdon, this concept received much attention from many researchers and was developed in two directions. In the first direction, different researchers applied Kingdon’s framework to different study samples and empirically examined the roles of entrepreneurs that he listed. In the second direction, researchers, emphasizing some of the characteristics of entrepreneurs mentioned in Kingdon’s framework, modified and revised some of its dimensions, and criticized them. As a result, new features, tools, and generally new considerations were developed to clarify the theoretical potential of this concept, which are listed in different sections of this research. In summary, it should be said that the researchers' effort has been to examine empirical evidence and use an inductive approach to develop theoretical frameworks that enumerate the role of various individual and structural factors that enable or hinder the success of entrepreneurs in influencing the policy-making process. Therefore, the main question of this research is as folows: “what strategies do entrepreneurs use at the individual level to influence the public policy process and what stimuli or constraints do their actions face at the structural and environmental levels?” Accordingly, the main hypothesis of the research is that: the individual strategies used by entrepreneurs, such as the use of scientific evidence for persuasion, storytelling, networking, building policy coalitions/institutional changes, and political manipulation, play an important role in their influence on the policy-making process. Also, based on the three frameworks of multiple streams of Kingdon, advocacy coalitions, and policy narratives, different structural factors play a role in this context.

This qualitative study, by examining existing sources and emphasizing three theoretical frameworks in the field of public policymaking, namely multiple streams, advocacy coalitions, and policy narratives, examines the factors affecting the role-playing of entrepreneurs at the individual and structural levels. Accordingly, the types of entrepreneurs and their individual strategies are first described, and then, the role of structural and environmental factors in reducing the agency of entrepreneurs is discussed citing empirical examples.

Most of the researches have overemphasized the power of entrepreneurs while downplaying the structural factors that shape their actions. In other words, the existing literature on policymaking tends to be agent-centric, placing individual deliberation at the heart of policymaking. It thus ignores broader structural conditions or simply dismisses them as “unpredictable” or “probable” factors. The central question here is that how entrepreneurs can generate new policy ideas who are institutionally present in a policymaking domain and subject to a set of regulatory, normative, and cognitive processes that constrain their cognition, define their interests, and produce their identities? This is because individuals must break the rules and procedures of the structures and institutions in which they are embedded in order to qualify as policymakers. To resolve this paradox, we must either avoid the extremes of voluntarism, in which agent autonomy is overemphasized—for example, in the multi-stream approach—or move toward the extremes of determinism, whereby policy outcomes are shaped by contextual forces. These deterministic approaches are at odds with the discourse of policy-making that has helped to direct policy analysis toward the study of actors and their role in catalyzing policy change. The internal environment in which entrepreneurs interact with each other plays a prominent role. Their behaviors and motivations can be determined by the organization to which they belong and their position in the political system. Furthermore, their position determines whether they can create effective social networks, communication channels, and opportunities for policy innovation. The institutionalist view of the policy-making process and policy change allows considerable scope for the influence of motivated individuals and groups. By highlighting the “logic of proportionality,” March and Olsen (1989) have shown the importance of actors’ deep knowledge of the procedures and norms of acceptable behavior. Organizational accounts show that attention to domestic sensitivities is crucial for effective policy change. On the other hand, it should be noted that at times, environmental considerations, including international ones, activate a particular type of national entrepreneurs.

The research findings showed that theoretical frameworks of policy-making take a different view of the degree of freedom of entrepreneurs and their level of activism in existing structures. The policy narrative framework emphasizes the relatively independent influence of entrepreneurs and downplays the role of structural factors in shaping their actions. This is while the multiple-stream and coalition frameworks emphasize the dominance of structural factors over entrepreneurs.

As a grand theory within the realm of social sciences, rational choice theory enjoys much importance while simultaneously being continuously criticized due to methodological individualism and the reductionism derived from such an epistemological base. The aim of this article is to present a reading of rational choice theory framed within a structural-institutional setting that could add new explanatory capabilities to it. The paper is evaluative in approach and based on rational argumentation. In a nutshell, the article first outlines an overview of the ontology of institutions and social structures. Using a structural interpretation of methodological individualism—termed structural individualism—it puts forward a version of rational choice theory explaining how the preferences of actors are constituted within institutional and structural frameworks. This paper extends, using the perspective of socialized ontology, the conventional view of structure understood within social sciences—defining how the interconnected levels of structure and institution interface with the agent. In fact, the article reaches an integrative narrative through an incisive evaluation of prevailing theories and analyses in the social sciences, showing the explanatory levels of agency, institution, and structure—in turn divided into soft and hard structures. It concludes that agents are dialectically always in a relationship with institutions and soft structures, always affecting their genesis and perpetuation as well as being influenced by them, and thus a similar dynamic relationship is conceivable between institutions and soft structures. Particular social structures give rise to particular forms of institutions, and the state of institutions and its possible changes gradually affect further the condition of the soft structures. But all these interactions take place according to the opportunities, constraints, and possibilities brought about by hard structures, which, in any case, regulate the actor agency. Rational choice theory, one of the grand theories in the field of social sciences, is significant but has been criticized for its reliance on methodological individualism and its reductionist nature stemming from this epistemological foundation. The goal of this paper is to offer a novel interpretation of rational choice theory within a structural-institutional context in order to enhance its explanatory power. The article’s reasoning method is based on rational argumentation. By reviewing the ontology of institutions and social structures, and utilizing the reading of methodological individualism within a structural context under the title of structural individualism, the paper offers a narrative of rational choice that explains how the preferences of actors are shaped within an institutional and structural framework. The paper extends the concept of social being and moves beyond the conventional understanding of structure in social sciences, showing the interconnected levels of structure and institution with the agent. By evaluating some of the common theories and analyses in social sciences, the paper reveals the different explanatory levels of agency, institution, and structure (at both the soft and hard structure levels) within the integrated narrative. The paper concludes that agents continuously engage in a dialectical relationship with soft institutions and structures, and while influencing their construction and continuity, they are also affected by them. Such a relationship is also conceivable between soft institutions and structures. Specific social structures lead to the formation of certain types of institutions, and simultaneously, the status of institutions and their potential changes gradually affect the status of soft structures. However, all these influences operate within the possibilities, opportunities, and constraints that the hard structure provides for agents.

In order to implement the defense policy to protect their geographical borders, the governments need a strong and strong army to deal with the enemies and the continuity of the country's political territory. The formation of active and inactive defenses is one of the measures that can guarantee a permanent, efficient and orderly army. The Sassanians used this rule well, using the experiences of the previous dynasties. Acquaintance with various war methods as well as equipping cavalry and infantry in the Sassanid period made it possible to take security and comfort from the enemy. This research was conducted with the aim of investigating the Sassanid defense policy in a dream with the Arabs, emphasizing the structure and performance of the army, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The results of the research show that the main organization and organization in the defense policy of the Sassanid army included: the general command with the role of the king, commanders, military commanders, military units, battle tools and military techniques and tactics, formations and battle formations on the battlefield and weapons. which were the main criteria of the structure of the Sassanid army and the findings resulting from the confrontation of the Muslims have shown that Islamic teachings brought many successes to the Muslim army, because they have the unity of the word, their heart and religious beliefs about the afterlife, the scarcity of livelihood, and the habit of hardship And tolerating the hardships of the desert, starvation and hunger, they were highly disciplined and courageous. The Arab soldiers also entered the battlefield with the love of war and martyrdom and volunteered to carry out the operations and responsibilities of the battle.

The leadership of the future world belongs to the country that has the best analysis of global changes. Such a country can lead others in the international system. This descriptive-analytical research aims to present a theory entitled “national power and structure analogy, algorithm of threats and resilience of the Islamic Republic of Iran`s national power” based on research background in power theories literature and interviews with experts. This theory determines the impact of threats on the national power elements using the matrix analysis of structures method. It also describes the enemy`s method of finding and attacking the vulnerable points of the national power structure. The theory was developed in four steps: 1) the algorithm for ranking the importance of elements and dimensions of power in the structure of national power, 2) the algorithm for the method of searching and destroying the elements of national power, 3) the algorithm for calculating resilience and reliability coefficient of national power elements 4) the algorithm for predicting threats and presenting the strategy of decision making in conflicts between two or more countries. The proposed theory gives decision-makers a comprehensive view to analyze the effects of the enemy’s actions and to choose the best strategy in a possible war.

The state, as one of the most sophisticated social phenomena, has been a central focus of philosophers and scholars for centuries. From ancient times to the present, philosophical reflections and empirical research have produced an extensive and rich body of literature on the nature, typology, structures, functions, and evolution of the state. Despite numerous forward-looking studies—whether examining the state as a general form of social organization or in its various manifestations across different societies and countries—it remains a vital area of inquiry that has consistently been on the research agenda. However, the related studies have largely adhered to conventional scientific approaches, such as positivism and interpretivism. While these methods have yielded valuable insights, they are often doomed to have been heavily influenced by ideological tendencies or theoretical preferences, leading to results that are not always accurate and desirable. As a different line of inquiry, the present research aimed to assess the appropriateness of causal layered analysis (CLA) for future studies of the state, hoping to capture its complex dimensions, characteristics, and transformations. As an effective analytical method, CLA has gained popularity in the Iranian scholarly community in recent years. However, the related studies sometimes display misunderstandings and oversimplifications in both the introduction and application of the method.  In some cases, the ontological and methodological distinctions between the four layers of CLA are not properly considered, and the method is neither accurately presented nor applied. There are also instances where CLA is mentioned only in the title, while other methods are used in the body of the research. To address these shortcomings, the present study aimed to introduce CLA, highlight its distinct features and capabilities compared to other approaches in future studies and demonstrate its suitability for future studies of the state. The main research question is, how suitable is CLA for future studies of the state? The study also sought to address three sub-questions as follows:  What are the components and techniques of CLA? How does CLA differ from other methods in future studies? And what capacities does CLA offer for future studies of the state?

As a descriptive inquiry, the current study intended to provide a detailed explanation of CLA, while also exploring the general characteristics of contemporary states. Additionally, it examined the appropriateness of applying CLA to futures studies of the state. The data was collected from scientific documents, including books and articles, and analyzed through an inferential approach.

CLA was proposed to address the inadequacies of both evidential and interpretive approaches. It is based on the premise that human and social phenomena are highly complex, requiring at least four layers of investigation for a comprehensive understanding. The first layer, known as the litany, consists of the surface-level, everyday aspects of these phenomena, manifested in tangible dimensions and quantitative data. The second layer (the structural or systemic) covers more stable and general factors, including institutions, arrangements, and socioeconomic and political relations. The third is the discourse layer involving dominant worldviews and mentalities. Finally, the fourth layer (myths/metaphors) concerns the unconscious rooted in archetypes and myths. In CLA, each of these layers should be examined using a method appropriate to its nature. The first and second layers, being more objective, require objective data, quantitative methods, and statistical or structural analysis. In contrast, the third and fourth layers, which are more subjective, require qualitative data, interpretive strategies, and semantic analyses. Addressing all four dimensions and layers simultaneously, CLA has a great capacity for understanding both the current status and the objective and subjective factors influencing states' future, whether in general or within specific societies. The method offers a key advantage by encouraging researchers to move beyond one macro narrative to several different narratives, leading to a deeper and more reliable understanding of complex, multi-layered phenomena like political systems and states.

The application of CLA can offer valuable insights into the state's direction, trends, and prospects. However, this method primarily addresses broad prospective studies and lacks specific techniques and tools for depicting accurate scenarios of possible, probable, and preferable futures. To address this gap, it is essential to use complementary methods such as retrospection, morphology, and trend research, in conjunction with future thinking techniques like driver analysis, visioning, and scenario building.

Political participation is one of the important concepts in social debates and political sociology. The stronger the political participation, the stronger the political legitimacy. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, political participation has been of great importance as the foundation of political legitimacy. After the victory of the revolution, the necessity of people's participation has not only not decreased, but its importance has increased. In the constitution of our country, there are several principles that specify and emphasize the all-round participation of the people in the political affairs of the Islamic society. In view of this, the main question of the present article has been raised as follows: What were the approaches of the Islamic Republic of Iran to political participation (with emphasis on the role of parties)? that this central hypothesis has been proposed that after the Islamic revolution, the parties acted as intermediaries between the people and the officials, which has become the basis for strengthening the legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with political, social and cultural transformation in the society, has developed the growth and expansion of popular institutions and has provided the grounds for the participation of civil politics in the process of decision-making, policy-making and administration of the society, and the leaders of the system have emphasized it. The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.

Sense of belonging and identity in the context of "national identity" is a reflection of the transformations that took place in the modern era. Identity is understood as the influence of relationships between us and others. Identity needs difference to explain and establish its behavioral patterns, and in the continuation of each identity discourse, it transforms differences into an "other" or "outsider" in order to defend its scope and boundaries. In Iran, the Constitutional Revolution can be considered the starting point for the emergence of modern identity discourses in the social and political spheres. Therefore, the application of the concept of identity emerges in this period and its effects can be seen in all political and social events that took place in Iran. The main question of the present paper is: What has been the relationship between the subject and the discourse structures in the identity discourse of contemporary Iran? The hypothesis is that the subject and the identity are meaningful under the influence of the structure power from the Constitution to the Islamic Republic, so that in each period we see the subject weakening and disappearing, while over the last two decades, the role of the structure has gradually it become less and less. Importantly, in this period, subjects have a more active and serious role as carriers of identity. The innovative thesis of the present article is that in the last two decades, for the first time in the history of contemporary Iran, we have witnessed a decrease in the role of structures and strength of the role of the "personal subject" (in Touraine‎'s words). The method of data collection in the present study is documentation and data collection tool is taking notes from original sources.

The literature on revolution has gone through four theoretical waves in explaining diverse revolutions. Although these waves belong to different terms, all of them have essentialist ontology and they are seeking to find impressive attributes in breaking out and prospering incidents. The precedent for bringing revolutions into focus in Historical Sociology (HS) turns to Brinton Moor, Charles Tilly, and ThedaSkocpol endeavors that by concentrating on structure and interior causation paid less attention to exterior conditions; but their works broke the closed-loop and made a weak relation between revolutions and international. However their manners in methodological point of view were closely connected with previous theoretical waves; since from HS perspective, the revolutions are stemmed from accumulated incidents which are made from social relations within a supranational context. The object of the current work is to examine the evolution of the international factor in revolution theories in the light of historical sociology theorists. According to the findings, the international factor has gone through three major evolutions in the insight of historical sociology theorists. First, in the 70s, from a structural point of view, it refers to the influence of the international system on revolutions. Second, the international factor enters the text from the margins of the relevant literature, and the inter-state perspective is highlighted; in the transition to the third step, not only inter-state communication is considered, but the inter-social attitude and the relations between the people and the network.

Over the past two decades, despite the partisan changes in the executive branch of the United States between Democrats and Republicans, we have seen some principles and foundations in American foreign policy regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The question of this article is whether the change of governments of the United States causes a change in its foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The findings of this research show that with the change of governments in the United States, the president plays a role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. After that, the political system of the United States gradually overcomes the role of the president, and the foreign policy of the United States continues as usual. Then, government institutions put all-round support for the Zionist regime on their agenda and made the peace process in the Middle East more difficult by granting various aid. Also, to legitimize the Zionist regime, these institutions have followed the process of normalizing the relations of this regime with the Arab countries with all seriousness. This research is based on the qualitative method of studying documents and texts published by governments, international organizations, UN specialized agencies, and think tanks.

The issue of efficiency is one of the most challenging issues in the field of political science, which is more important in the Islamic Republic of Iran due to the religious nature of the government.  As  regards efficiency is a value category, it is necessary to study it based on the theoretical foundations of any political system. Accordingly, in this article, an attempt has been made to study the discourse of the Supreme Leader of the Revolution about the efficiency of the religious political system and answer the question, what are the components of the efficiency of the religious political system in the discourse of the Supreme Leader?. The Practical Discourse Analysis Method (PDAM) has been used as a method. The theoretical model of the research is based on 4-level analysis of efficiency (idea, structure, agent and performance). The analysis of the Supreme Leader's discourse shows that his main idea is the category of Islamic government based on Velayat-e-Faqih, and the efficiency of the political system at the four levels is also based on this idea. Components such as responding to the needs of the time at the idea level, structure based on justice and competence at the structural level, simplicity and courage at the agent level, and legalism at the performance level have been identified as efficiency components.

The central issue of this article is the nature and rationale behind the formality of extra-constitutional principles and cases in the current constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. For this reason, we have discussed and debated using a descriptive and analytical method while adopting a critical approach. According to our research findings, the aforementioned principles and cases are two separate and distinct topics. The identification and formalization of these in the constitution itself is a flaw. In other words, the restriction of such categories is not acceptable and is justified only for the purpose of maintaining stability and ensuring the rule of the constitution, but their expanded scope poses issues. Therefore, the criteria considered by the fundamental legislator of the Islamic Republic of Iran, after reviewing the entry of items with a structural and normative description under Article 177, are criticized from the perspective of this article.
However, it must be acknowledged that the current constitution of the country has solid scholarly and popular foundations, and its orientation in this field seems logical. From our perspective, any form of support for the constitution as the paramount political legal document of the nation and any amendments to its content should be carried out while respecting the principles of republicanism and Islamism, ensuring their maintenance and safeguarding.

International sanctions as a global and costly wars play almost the same role as bloody wars. In the meantime, America's multi-layered sanctions against Iran, in the form of the game of everything without Iran and maximum pressure against Iran, is a subject worth studying. Based on this, the main question of the current article is what is the mechanism of the American sanctions against Iran? How are they applied and what have been the consequences on the financial and banking system as well as on the economy and society of Iran? In order to answer this question, I have explained the American institutions and procedures by imposing sanctions against Iran, then I’ve w reviewed the history of the escalation of sanctions and finally come to the conclusion that sanctions divert attention from domestic capacities and domestic indicators of Good governance. In addition, sanctions have caused the Iranian society to bear unnecessary costs in terms of other structural variables, and Iran's issues have become more international.

In order to improve their social and economic conditions, different societies need to provide grounds for growth and development, and one of the factors affecting the growth and development of any country is the transformation in the country's scientific structures. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and documentary. The purpose of this article is to identify and examine the obstacles to the scientific development of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the framework of the theory of neo-institutionalism. In this article, while examining the theory of neo-institutionalism, structural factors such as the multiplicity of decision-making centers in the matter of scientific development, a little look at researches and scientific articles, the structure of universities and the regulations for the promotion of professors, and political factors such as the influence of political tendencies in The selection of presidents of universities, faculties and professors, the policy of quantitative expansion of universities and the way of attracting students, especially in graduate studies, are mentioned as obstacles to Iran's scientific development. Reforming the decision-making structure and by-laws, along with avoiding factional and political views on scientific development and universities, as well as creating scientific and research poles, can provide the basis for the scientific development of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Attention to the concept of the international system and how to change its structure has had a special place in the study of international relations and has been the site of widespread theoretical controversy.Numerous factors and drivers are influencing transformation of the international system.The main question of the research is what factors affect structure of the international system and in other words what are drivers of structure of international system?Therefore, the aim of this article is to identify drivers of structure of international system with a futuristic perspective. In study, while using the theory of structural realism (neo-realism) as a theoretical framework, descriptive structural analysis of ISM and Mick Mac program has been used. In the process of identifying drivers of the structure of international system, the method of "individual interview" and "library study" has been used and to design the future model of international system, the method of structural-interpretive modeling has been used. Structural-interpretive modeling is one of the exploratory methods of model design that allows drawing complex relationships between a large number of elements in a complex decision-making situation. After examining factors such as political power, economic and military power, globalization, international institutions, climate change, the spread of technology, weapons of mass destruction, regional conflicts, human rights, terrorism, immigration and citizenship, infectious diseases and population. Were proposed in the research hypothesis, research findings show that political, economic, military and cultural power are most influential drivers in evolution of structure of international system.

The mentioned research seeks to provide a new context for recognizing and responding to the relativism of structure and agent agency in the realization of Islamic state-building based on the agent structure approach and relying on the thought of Imam Khamenei . Summary The evolution of theories of agent structure in political science and the choice of AnthonyGiddens' theory of construction In the formation of the Islamic state, meaning the third stage of the process of achieving the goals of the Islamic Revolution towards Islamic civilization from Imam Khamenei's point of view, both The structure and the agent paid attention. From His Holiness's point of view, the macro-structures of the Islamic system, which in the second stage of the revolutionary process were designed and led to the drafting of the constitution, have no problem with today's evolved process and are the best structure needed to move things forward. But in spite of the remarkable progress and remarkable honors which, in spite of the overwhelming difficulties and obstacles mentioned in the statement of the second step of the revolution, the desired Islamic state has not yet been formed in a manner which is maximally in line with the ideals of the IslamicRevolution. Is. What should be considered today in the movement of the revolution and the formation of the Islamicstate is to create a spiritual and epistemological transformation in order to Islamize the method and character of the agents, which is the main obstacle in the formation of the Islamic state

The fundamental issues in political sociology are examining the position and function of social forces in political and social developments and their impact on the legitimacy of the ruling structure. Among the various social classes, the role of the middle class as an influential class in legitimizing the ruling structure has always been highlighted. This study aimed to explain the position and role of the middle class in Iran’s political and social developments. In addition, the middle class’s role in the legitimacy of the ruling structure from the beginning of the Islamic Revolution in Iran until 2013 was studied. The present article used the descriptive-analytical method based on library studies. The research results showed that the middle class was considered the main class in the socio-political developments of Iran. Moreover, the middle class used the following components to play an important role in legitimizing the ruling structure: being the class accompanying the ideology of the system, trying to transition to democracy in Iran, strengthening political participation, strengthening relations with influential groups and parties in the political arena, and strengthening the political culture.

The Good Governance Index is a sociological concept used in business, economics, the humanities, and public health to refer to intra-group relationships. In today's changing world, governments alone are unable to meet new needs and need new models to maximize all of society's capacity to be used in the public, private, and civil sectors. Therefore, the present study was conducted to evaluate the feasibility of good health governance in the Ministry of Health (a case study in Tehran University of Medical Sciences). In this article, six indicators of accountability, public participation in community management, control of corruption, quality of rule of law and political stability have been used. To collect data, the Delphi expert survey method and a questionnaire were used. The results of Delphi analysis, after three stages of expert opinion, led to the theoretical confirmation of the 38-component model. In the following, the results of structural equation modeling indicate the fit of the research model. Based on the field data, there is a positive and significant relationship between the mean of good governance and health.

Yemen is the most impoverished Arab country in the Middle East, which has been embroiled in civil war, foreign aggression, and economic sanctions, despite the expectations of its people to achieve better conditions in the 2011 social movement. One of the reasons for the importance of the issue of Yemen is its strategic position in the region, as well as the political and ideological discrepancies that have arisen over it among some of the governments in the region. The purpose of this article is to study the causes of the continuation of this crisis for 10 years which made it a daily occurrence. The authors seek to answer this question: what factors have led to the continuation of the crisis in Yemen between 2011 and 2021? The article hypothesis refers to two factors of structure and agent based on the Structuration Theory of Anthony Giddens and examines the interaction between the two in the form of structuration in Yemen. For this purpose, the library method has been used to collect data and the analytical-explanatory method has been used to write the article. The research findings show that the interaction of two categories of structural factors (Yemeni internal structures, regional and international and geopolitical power balance) and agents (Yemeni bankrupt government, regional actors, non-governmental actors, and the United Nations) has caused this crisis to be continued; Thus, the multiplicity of variables and the complexity of the internal situation in Yemen and the Middle East environment prevent to imagine a bright future for an early end to the crisis.

Legislation and creating an institution for legislation in Iran has a long history; And it refers to the processes and stages in which rules and regulations are formulated and regulated and finally becomes a law in the framework of a legal system and shapes the beneficiaries, citizens and institutions and regulates their behavior. Legislation, as a general matter, is also affected by the structures and norms of the context in which it is located, and on the other hand, through its legislation, it affects the same structure and norms. Therefore, knowing the obstacles to the realization of a good and desirable legislative system as a part of the structure of good governance can help to improve the legislative process in Iran and achieve good governance in this field. The question of the current research is, what are the priorities and requirements of the legislative process in Iran? In response to this question, the current research using the descriptive-analytical method and in the form of the theory of governance, the structural priorities of the legislative process in Iran, including the quality of legislation, the monitoring program of laws and regulations, revision policies and the formulation of laws and regulations, Reforming the system of monitoring the executive branch and increasing the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms and citizenship has been considered.