amin ravanbod

The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its relations with Afghanistan, Iran's neighbor, are important both geopolitically and in terms of politics, also economics, and culture. Based on this, Afghanistan is a country that should be considered in Iran's foreign policy. Therefore, this study aims to examine the challenges and opportunities in Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan, especially considering the recent occurrences in this country. This article is a descriptive-analytical study. The research method and materials are qualitative, and also note-taking was used to gather information. The results show that among the challenges of Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan, we can mention insecurity and instability resulting from the Taliban's dominance, which causes events such as the increasing wave of Afghan migration, the presence of terrorist groups like ISIS, the need to manage relations with other regional leaders, and ethnic and religious issues. At the same time, there are opportunities such as the possibility of economic and commercial cooperation, playing a positive role in reducing tensions and peace processes, border management, expanding political influence, and strengthening regional cooperation. Therefore, to take advantage of these opportunities and address the challenges, Iran needs a comprehensive and balanced strategy in its foreign policy. In this regard, emphasis should be placed on important challenges such as the uncertain future of how the Taliban will deal with Afghan Shias and the tension over the hari rud River, as well as opportunities such as the Islamic Republic's cooperation with China and Russia in Afghanistan and economic relations with this country. Overall, it can be said that the history of relations between the Islamic Republic and Afghanistan can influence the foreign policies of both countries, considering the Taliban's regime in this country.

The political turmoil of the last two centuries in Afghanistan and the unfavorable performance of the four-year Mujahideen government (1371-1975), which resulted in insecurity, corruption and severe cultural and economic poverty, created a suitable environment for the emergence of Taliban in the political scene of Afghanistan. Historically, culturally, and territorially, Afghanistan has a lot in common with Iran. But despite these many commonalities, there are various challenges in the path of convergence of these two countries. purpose of this article is the challenges and opportunities of Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan (case study: Taliban government), which is done using the descriptive-analytical method. main question of the research is about the challenges and opportunities of Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan in the government. What is Taliban? How is role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the process of war and peace in Afghanistan evaluated? To what extent can history of relations between Islamic Republic of Iran and Afghanistan affect foreign policy of two countries, considering the rule of Taliban? results of research show that challenges such as unclear future of how Taliban will deal with Shiites of Afghanistan and tension over Harivard, as well as Islamic Republic of Iran due to its confrontation with America and presence of this country in Afghanistan, play a role in continuation of war in Afghanistan, and history of relations Islamic Republic of Afghanistan can be influential in foreign policy of two countries due to the Taliban's rule in future in relations between two countries.

Relations between countries are based on economic, security, geographical and cultural conditions. Although the status of these factors is changing in the age of globalization, it is not true to say that these factors do not affect the relations between the two countries. As neighbors, Iran and Azerbaijan have cultural, historical and religious commonalities. Nevertheless, the relations between the two countries have faced certain challenges. One of the main challenges has been the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, which has been addressed in this research on both security and economic levels. This research was conducted with the aim of investigating the economic and security consequences of the Karabakh conflict on the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question is how the Karabakh conflict can have economic and security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings indicate that the consequences and challenges in these two areas are within the scope of the positions of the Islamic Republic, the conflict in the field of energy and relations between Azerbaijan and Israel, along with the confrontation and the introduction of politics and ideology regarding the economic relations of these two countries. This research is done using descriptive-analytical method.

The present paper aims to identify the characteristics of the political culture and the revolutionary insight of the police in the thoughts of Grand Ayatollah Imam Khamenei (Madazla Al-Ali). The research method is of a qualitative type and the theme analysis technique has been used to analyze the leadership's statements. The studied material includes all written texts of Imam Khamenei statements about the political culture and revolutionary insight of the police. Selected examples of his statements in three stages of basic, organizing, and inclusive themes have been examined and analyzed by thematic analysis. The findings, according to the analysis and analysis of the content of the Supreme Leader's statements regarding the characteristics of the political culture and revolutionary insight of the police, indicated that in total, 98 basic themes, 23 organizing themes were obtained in 3 overarching themes (insight, charactristic, and action). Therefore, the results of the qualitative findings confirm the fact that the character of the J.A. police is the promotion of political culture and revolutionary insight in the three layers of insight, character and, action. The responsibility of strengthening the political culture and revolutionary insight of the police from an organizational point of view is the responsibility of the ideological-political organization of Faraja, which should be included in the cultural and educational program of this organization

In one hand, this research accepts the inevitable developments in international environment due to globalization and on the other hand, recognizing the state as the most important international actor, tries to explain one of the most influential state’s acts in the globalized space. The purpose of this research is to explain the impact of globalization on dynamics of status seeking of Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. This research is done with descriptive-analytical method. Findings of this research show that in lack of collective security system in the Middle East, the strategy of social competition is an attractive option for Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. The competitive relations among states in the Middle East have been an obstacle toward creating inclusive institutions and common concept of security. Consequently, the strategy of social mobility has not been a functional one in the region. Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia in order to utilize the strategy of social creativity should demonstrate more compliance with global values and norms.

The unresolved conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh is one of the most concerning unresolved conflicts in the Caucasus region, both because it involves two independent countries and because the three main regional powers—Russia, Turkey, and Iran—all have different stances. This situation undermines security across the Caucasus and the Black Sea region, polarizing countries and their allies, and creating a security vacuum that encourages the proliferation of transnational security challenges. Besides the severe security risks the region may face, the South Caucasus has already experienced significant economic pressure due to war and, primarily, the extensive sanctions against Russia. The South Caucasus has a long history of conflicts and varying degrees of Russian dominance, which may now persist and even worsen. However, there is also the possibility that the shock of Russia's actions in Ukraine and the shift in the international order may alter historical behavioral patterns. Research findings indicate that Russia and Iran are considered Armenian allies, while Turkey and Israel support Azerbaijan. Russia remains a major stakeholder in the region concerning the conflict. Historically, Moscow has been linked to the conflicts due to the shared heritage of the Soviet Union. The Russians are also primarily credited by Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh for their continuous involvement in various peace processes in an attempt to find a peaceful solution. Turkey has a strong relationship with its Turkic brothers in Azerbaijan and views it as a gateway to the region. This war has significantly changed the balance of power in the region. While Azerbaijan now clearly dominates the regional political and military scene, Armenia's power and influence have been severely weakened.

In the past few years, we have seen developments in the Middle East region. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are two important and influential countries in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. During the last four decades after the Islamic Revolution, Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have undergone many changes in their relations. The purpose of this research is to investigate the security challenges caused by globalization in the Middle East and its impact on the adoption of foreign policy strategies of the two countries. Was. The method used in this research is the descriptive-analytical method. In this method, the analysis of information is based on the historical review of the events related to the subject, as well as the data based on the analysis of details in the overall structure, and the foreign policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are identified using reliable sources. The results of the research showed that Saudi Arabia seeks to improve its regional position against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and with this goal, it has entered into regional crises, and in this regard, the policies adopted by the two regimes have caused divergence and divisive tensions in regional level, the result of which has been nothing but the rise and spread of terrorists in the region, the presence of western countries under the pretext of fighting it, and the overall decrease in the security of the region.

The emergence of Iran's nuclear case at the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and subsequently at the United Nations Security Council has been one of the most significant issues in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, particularly since the eighth presidential term. The main objective of this article is to study and scrutinize the reasons behind the prolonged process of addressing Iran's nuclear case at the IAEA. Iran's nuclear dossier has been one of the most important diplomatic and security cases globally in the last two decades, accompanied by many ups and downs, with the Islamic Republic of Iran and Western parties still unable to reach a comprehensive and long-term agreement. Despite significant efforts from both sides, there is no clear prospect for a swift resolution in the near future. Therefore, as a scientific issue, the main question of this article is: What reasons contribute to the prolonged process of addressing Iran's nuclear case at the IAEA? It appears that hostile policies against Iran, considering Iran as an international threat in the region, changes in behavior and structure in Iran's political system, structural weaknesses in the international system, and other factors contribute to the prolonged process of addressing Iran's nuclear case at the IAEA. The present research method is analytical-descriptive of an applied type, utilizing laws, regulations, and library resources. Thus, this article attempts to study the disputes and motivations of the parties involved.

The purpose of the present study is to identify likely structures for the future international system and to understand their effectiveness on Iran’s opportunities and limitations. The methodology of the present research is qualitative that has used a futurologist scenario to identify likely structures of the international system. The main research question is: what are scenarios that can change the international system and what will be their consequences and effects on Iran’s relations and acting? The research results show that the occurrence of the scenario of a multipolar international system is more likely than a bipolar or unipolar one. In each scenario, countries have 3 general options: companionship including union or following, competition including creating balance, tolerating the challengers, and adopting an opposition policy towards the existing pole or poles in the world. The scenario of a multipolar world will bring the most capabilities and opportunities for Iran while the unipolar scenario led by the U.S will increase Iran’s limitations. On the other hand, the bipolar scenario compared to the unipolar one led by the U.S enhances Iran’s opportunities. Iran’s membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization will assist Iran to create more opportunities to meet its national interests through the bipolar scenario revolving around the U.S and China.

Relations between countries are based on economic, security, geographical and cultural conditions. Although the status of these factors is changing in the age of globalization, it is not true to say that these factors do not affect the relations between the two countries. As neighbors, Iran and Azerbaijan share cultural, historical and religious commonalities. Nevertheless, the relations between the two countries have faced certain challenges. One of the main challenges has been the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, which has been addressed in this research on both security and economic levels. This research was conducted with the aim of investigating the economic and security consequences of the Karabakh conflict on the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question is how the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict can have economic and security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings indicate that the consequences and challenges in these two areas are within the scope of the positions of the Islamic Republic, the conflict in the field of energy and relations between Azerbaijan and Israel, along with the confrontation and the introduction of politics and ideology regarding the economic relations of these two countries. This research is done using descriptive-analytical method.

The present article is a research in the way of providing solutions to improve political education in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei. The main question of the article is, what are the ways to improve political education in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei?

This research has been done with a qualitative method through thematic analysis. The statistical community includes all the Supreme Leader's statements about political education. Examples of Supreme Leader's statements based on strategies for promoting political education have been extracted.

The findings show that the strategies for improving political education can be identified in the form of three dimensions based on cognitive, orientation and behavior. Most of the solutions are envisioned in the cognitive stage, which is possible with educational methods and knowledge improvement of the organization's employees. In the second stage, it is possible to improve the orientation solutions of employees in the form of skill enhancement through workshops and lectures. In the final stage, in order to improve the political behavior of the employees, within the organization, it is necessary to move towards culturalization and institutionalization.

The purpose of this article is to explain the change in the structure of the international system and examine the possible future structure of the international system that Iran will face. In the present research, the authors have investigated the main mechanism of the change in the structure of the international system, i.e. the rise and fall of great powers, using the descriptive-analytical method. The authors believe that the current structure of the international system cannot be defined by the concept of polarity. The current structure of the international system includes a superpower (America) alongside China as a challenger and candidate to become a superpower in the future and several big powers (European Union, Russia, Britain and Japan) and this structure will continue in the short term.The Islamic Republic of Iran can be placed in a state of neither friend nor enemy in relation to other great powers.

Terrorism is not a new phenomenon. History is full of terrorist acts; Actions that have taken the lives of countless innocent human beings, deprived many human beings of their fundamental rights and freedoms, endangered our friendly relations between states, and undermined the territorial integrity and security of states. It is endangered. The purpose of this study is to provide an analytical and comparative look at the approach of Barack Obama and Donald Trump to counter-terrorism in the Middle East. In this study, we answer the question of whether the US unilateralist approach to terrorism moves toward multilateralism. The research hypothesis is that the "American foreign policy approach" in the fight against terrorism is changing from unilateralism to multilateralism. Therefore, in this article, we examine the counter-terrorism approaches in the administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump, using descriptive-analytical methods and library tools.Therefore, in this article, we examine the counter-terrorism approaches in the administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump, using descriptive-analytical methods and library tools.

Today, with the spread of Salafism in Muslim countries, a harsh and inhuman face of civilized Islamic society has been introduced to the world. Due to the social, ethnic, and religious context of Sistan and Baluchistan, the neighboring countries that cultivate Salafism, and the simultaneous education of Sunni students in the religious schools, Sistan and Baluchistan province is susceptible to the influence of Salafism from across the borders into the country. Western and Arab countries have played a significant role in spreading Salafism in the country by providing hardware and software support in various ways, such as raising doubts, publishing and producing deconstructive content, and forming Takfiri-Salafi groups. The present article is written with a descriptive-analytical approach based on field and library research and objective observations in order to answer the question: What role do overseas factors play in the spread of Salafism in Sistan and Baluchistan province? In response to the question, the hypothesis is raised that the proximity to countries that cultivate Salafism along with the material and logistical support of Western and Arab countries has led to the spread of Salafism in the province. Some of the proposed solutions to adopt effective strategies in order to counter the spread of Salafism in the province are as follows: identifying the command room of extremist currents, political and religious diplomacy with neighboring countries, the correct explanation of Shia and Sunni beliefs, criticism of Salafism by influential and prominent Sunni scholars and striving for unity in action.
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Attention to the concept of the international system and how to change its structure has had a special place in the study of international relations and has been the site of widespread theoretical controversy.Numerous factors and drivers are influencing transformation of the international system.The main question of the research is what factors affect structure of the international system and in other words what are drivers of structure of international system?Therefore, the aim of this article is to identify drivers of structure of international system with a futuristic perspective. In study, while using the theory of structural realism (neo-realism) as a theoretical framework, descriptive structural analysis of ISM and Mick Mac program has been used. In the process of identifying drivers of the structure of international system, the method of "individual interview" and "library study" has been used and to design the future model of international system, the method of structural-interpretive modeling has been used. Structural-interpretive modeling is one of the exploratory methods of model design that allows drawing complex relationships between a large number of elements in a complex decision-making situation. After examining factors such as political power, economic and military power, globalization, international institutions, climate change, the spread of technology, weapons of mass destruction, regional conflicts, human rights, terrorism, immigration and citizenship, infectious diseases and population. Were proposed in the research hypothesis, research findings show that political, economic, military and cultural power are most influential drivers in evolution of structure of international system.

The purpose of the present study is to review the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia's foreign policy in the Middle East to find an optimal strategy for the Islamic Republic of Iran in front of Saudi Arabia. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and the SWOT model was used for the analysis of the foreign policy strategies of the two countries. The results showed that a mixture of constructive interaction and controlling policies can be the optimal strategy for the Islamic Republic of Iran in front of Saudi Arabia in the current condition. Following the biphasic policy of constructive interaction and control in relation with Saudi Arabia requires emphasis on cooperation between two countries in fighting against Islamophobia, providing the security of the Persian Gulf, and maintenance of the environment; however, the contemporary acceptance of the opposite party should not be regarded as a defeat.

One of the goals of the Islamic Revolution, considering its cultural dimensions, is to create a new Islamic civilization, which has been emphasized by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution and today is considered as one of the needs of the Islamic society and even the Muslims of the world. For this reason, the main focus of the present study is to study the educational and cultural impulses in the formation of a new Islamic civilization based on the thoughts of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution. The question of the present study is: What are the most important educational and cultural drivers of Iranian society to achieve a new Islamic civilization? The method used by the present study to study the subject of modern Islamic civilization in the views of Ayatollah Khamenei is descriptive-analytical, which is obtained by examining the views and statements of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution and other sources and documentary books related to the subject. The findings of the present study show that the new Islamic civilization has important cultural impulses, which can include modeling based on justice, negation of materialism and attention to spirituality, attention to committed and specialized revolutionary forces, Scientificism and the upbringing of academic and educational elites committed and loyal to the values of the Islamic Revolution as the main drivers of modern Islamic civilization in the thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei. Modern Islamic civilization, based on educational and cultural impulses, has both negative and positive aspects. Negative means criticizing Western civilization and exposing its moral, political, social and economic weaknesses. Because material advances such as machinery, industry, technology, and human wealth and education based on it cannot be indicative of a model civilization for humanity. On the positive side, the new Islamic civilization, by considering morality and spirituality, public comfort and security for Muslims and non-Muslims, the combination of religion and the world, and the promotion of spirituality, can be a fulcrum for pulling contemporary man out of unbridled Western morality, and introducing a competent Islamic and humane model.

Different components are influential in the electoral behavior of any society. These elements can be considered in cultural, economic, geographical and time variables. In this context, the electoral behavior of Iranians can be analyzed. The central question and purpose of this research is the reasons for the decrease in people's participation in the 11th elections of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. In this regard, various reasons have been examined, including the effects of US sanctions during the Trump era, economic challenges, the behavior of election institutions, and the approach of social networks. In this study, according to the theory of functionalism and emphasizing economic dissatisfaction, the effective role of US sanctions in the country due to the negative effects of sanctions on the economy, devaluation, inefficiency of the executive .... has been presented as the main factor in reducing citizen participation in the 11th parliamentary elections.

The main concern of governments is to ensure national security by emphasizing the preservation of social capital because national security is the result of the satisfaction of citizens and groups that can be embodied in the face of strong social capital, no doubt the importance of social capital Features such as participation, cohesion and trust in social systems. As throughout history, governments have always been concerned about the extent to which they can rely on the cooperation of society to advance the activities and strategies of government with this enormous support. Clearly, without social capital, a significant portion of resources is wasted, and costs must be spent on stability, agreement, and cooperation. Based on this, it can be said that social capital is created in a long period and with difficulty, but its destruction is done quickly, the result of which is not part of the faltering of national security. And qualitative) and using library tools and a questionnaire with a sample size of 384 people among AJA employees in 1398, we seek to answer the main question of what effect social capital has on national security in the twelfth government has it? The most important results of testing the hypotheses in this study show that social capital has a significant effect on national security and the analysis of the questionnaire data shows that social capital in the twelfth government is at a moderate level that the impact It has a direct impact on national security.

Civilizations, like other social phenomena, are constantly changing and evolving.What is known as the New Western Civilization is a set of political, social, economic,and cultural achievements in theWest that are manifested in the form of secular political systems and the capitalist economic system. This approach, criticized from the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, including the views of Ayatollah Khamenei. The present study aims to examine the approach based on the discourse of the Islamic Revolution according to the views of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Khamenei, with the aim of criticizing the new Western civilization. Therefore, the question is: what are the most important criticisms of entering the new Western civilization from the perspective of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the views of Ayatollah Khamenei? Based on the findings of the present study,the most important criticisms of modernWestern civilization from the perspective of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the views of Ayatollah Khamenei, the dominance of empirical and positive science, the separation of values from science, political secularism, economic capital Axis, the social system is limited to the West and secular human rights. The discourse of the Islamic Revolution has proposed a new approach to the idea of a new Islamic civilization by proposing religious democracy, the instrumentality of the economy, the design of a resistance economy, an inclusive social system based on justice and cooperation, supporting the oppressed and seeking justice. The method used in the research is descriptive-analytical.

Authors of this research have tried to understand the role of security dilemma in the context of Iran-Saudi Arabia Rivalry. The main question is that how security dilemma has impacted the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The main hypothesis is that the severity of security dilemma has exacerbated the rivalry and tension between Iran and Saudi Arabia. It is tried to define an explanatory status of security dilemma and its level of impact on this rivalry in the pre- and post-Islamic Revolution era. The research method of this paper is descriptive-analytical with emphasis on theoretical analysis. This research, based on rational theory of international relations, finds that security dilemma between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the post-Islamic Revolution era is much more severe than pre-Islamic Revolution but the moderate level of security dilemma between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the pre-Islamic Revolution had a determining impact on lack of deep and serious cooperation between the two countries. The severe level of security dilemma between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the post-Islamic Revolution era has had a facilitating impact on rivalry between the two countries.

The discovery of the causes of the war for a better understanding of it and, if possible, avoiding it, is one of the factors driving knowledge of international relations. Hegemonic behavior and hegemonic governments are the main source of hegemonic international relations theories for a better understanding of hegemonic wars, especially wars between the dominant hegemon and the challenging government calling for hegemony. In this regard, the main purpose of the present paper is to examine and criticize the hegemonic theories of international relations about the Iraq war in 2003 based on the hegemonic behavior or hegemonic governments, with an emphasis on the impact of US behavior as hegemony. The research method is library research and descriptive research. The research findings show that global hegemony, and in particular the United States hegemony, have two options because of the lack of a reference group of hegemons, where hegemony is fully, mutually and peacefully happens: first, hegemony can be exercised for the highest degree of dominance, authority, and leadership, through peaceful practices such as promoting new norms and exercising legitimate leadership based on standards accepted by others, or on a very different path in the traditional way of winning a major war or resorting to force in limited dimensions. Whenever the weight of the option of using force in hegemonic policies increases, the probable conditions of leading to war occur with a higher probability.

Saddam Hussein’s efforts to establish Iraq as the regional hegemon and the leader of the Arab World is vastly proposed, in most of the literature, as one of the main causes of the Iran-Iraq War. This proposition, however, has been expressed very vaguely in previous studies. In other words, no direct logical connection is specified between Iraq’s intention to be the regional hegemon or the leader of the Arab World and its invasion of Iran. Why did Iraq, rather than trying other options, choose to wage a war on Iran to achieve its objectives? Were it not possible for Saddam Hussein to assume his position as the leader of the Arab World through peaceful alternatives? The analytical framework of “the struggle for recognition” is able to provide answers to these questions. The aforementioned proposition could be clarified through this analytical framework. This paper applies “the struggle for recognition” to further explore the causes of the Iraqi invasion of Iran. States struggle to enforce the recognition of their right to life in international arena (thin recognition) and compel the world to recognize their various identity layers, including status (thick recognition). This paper, therefore, explains how Iraq’s struggle for recognition of its status as the regional hegemon and the leader of the Arab World led to violence and eventually the War.

Alongside struggle for power and struggle for wealth, there is emerging a new element in explaining the behavior of states namely the struggle for recognition. In the context of struggle for recognition, states try to achieve recognition of their right to life (thin recognition) as well as recognition of their various identity layers including status (thick recognition). If the state’s right to life or its various identity layers including status is not recognized peacefully then the state’s struggle for recognition can become violent and beget the conditions conducive to war. Therefore if there are mechanisms of recognition through which the struggle for recognition takes place peacefully, then these mechanisms can strengthen the foundations of peace in international relations. The main question is as follows: is there any mechanisms of recognition in which struggle for recognition take place peacefully? Regarding the methodology, this article is a theoretical analysis that tries to introduce and conceptualize mechanisms of recognition. Although this paper is a theoretical research, we have tried to identify the objective representations of these mechanisms. By mechanisms we mean any relations or arrangements which satisfy the states’ need for recognition whether thick or thin.

While mainstream paradigms for theorization in international relations have shown disregard for the concept of recognition as the need to be seen and accepted, struggle for recognition as an analytical mechanism, has provided better understanding of behavior of governments and their motivational structure. The struggle for recognition in international relations means that international players behave on the basis of their various needs to be recognized. Those needs may range from recognition as a sovereign state to struggle for being recognized for special characteristics. International players, thus, try to have their identity and position recognized in order to have a deeper sense of self-confidence, dignity and contentment. This paper relies on research findings on the struggle for recognition in international relations to review the nature of the concept of recognition before focusing on the struggle for recognition in international relations and conditions under which that struggle takes place. At the end, the author resorts to Social Identity Theory (SIT) in order to expound quality of the struggle for recognition and provide better understanding of the behavior of middle-ranking powers.