جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « dialogue » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

This article explores the intertextual relationship between François Rabelais and Miguel de Cervantes, focusing on shared themes, narrative techniques, and literary influences. Drawing upon Mikhail Bakhtin's concepts of the carnivalesque and dialogism, the study examines how these authors challenge established norms and engage in a dialogic relationship with each other. Analyzing the satirical treatment of societal, religious, and political institutions, the research identifies common themes such as social hierarchy, human folly, and the grotesque in their narratives. By comparing their narrative techniques- including humor, parody, irony, and the use of a picaresque style with episodic storytelling- the article reveals their shared commitment to challenging traditional narrative structures. Additionally, the study explores potential literary influences and intertextuality, examining references, allusions, and echoes of each author's works in the other. Through this comparative analysis, the article underscores the significance of the intertextual relationship, enriching our understanding of Rabelais and Cervantes and their contributions to world literature. By summarizing shared themes, narrative techniques, and literary influences, the research highlights the enduring relevance of these authors and their ability to inspire critical reflection. This examination of intertextuality deepens our comprehension of their narratives and emphasizes the evolution of literary traditions.

The purpose of this research is to explain and explain the role and place of dialogue and communicative action as a foundation in political participation. Since Nahj al-Balagha in Islamic societies is often considered as a source and reference for the actions and behaviors of people and officials, for this purpose, in this article, the communication actions underlying political participation in the themes of Nahjal-Balagha were studied. Therefore, the main problem of the research is the analysis of the role of rhetoric in the communication action that forms the basis of political participation. To answer this question, the method of qualitative content analysis was used. Considering that communicative action can play an important role in creating a correct view of interaction and participation in societies, the hypothesis of the authors is that Nahjalbalagha has constructive communicative action in political participation due to the comprehensiveness of its content. Finally, the results of the surveys show that Nahjal Balagha refers to the acceptance of two or more parties; The principle of knowledge and science, the necessity of accepting the differences of peoples, nations and languages, the possibility of achieving understanding and unity and freedom of thought and thought, observing the criteria of right and wrong, choosing the right path as the conditions for a favorable conversation, and also considering trust-building and competence of speech as the most important elements and Communication factors provide a very suitable capacity for the realization of desired political participation.

Conservatism is in fact one of the types of face-to-face and long-distance dialogues that are established between the Ghaznavid court officials with each other or with the princes, especially Amir Massoud. The method of work in this research is descriptive-analytical. Categorizes thematically and by explaining and analyzing them will bring out the results. These dialogues between the famous political and social classes of the court, including: Amir with the minister, Amir with the secretary, Amir with Hajib, the minister with Amir, Amir With Amir, etc., ideas such as: 1- Amir's wise defense of the communication policies of the ministers 2- Authoritarianism with the necessary confidence, relying on the expedient approach 3- Confidence in position, and insight Contradictory politics and his performance with praise by Amir 4- Introducing an efficient minister as a reliable supporter in strengthening political and social interests in the territory under his command, etc. Also, during these thoughts, various political issues arise. Such as: 1- Hope and motivation to Amir 2- Decisive but unwise and hasty decision 3- Determination in the behavior and speech by the Amir towards the Minister 4- High self-confidence along with cunning with the aim of using the honest approach and fraudulent goodwill by the Amir towards the Minister, etc. can be enumerated.

The history of International Relations (IR) as a discipline has been characterized by periods of more or less —but never absolute—theoretical agreement or rather “theoretical tranquility” and the periods characterized by theoretical debates representing deep gaps within the discipline. Yet what we can see in all these periods is the continuation of the plurality of theories. Even when there was no debate, consensus was not attained nor could significant theories of the time be ignored. At present, the discipline is still theoretically plural and the theories differ in meta-theoretical terms leading to various explanations and conceptualizations of the international. There are now at least eight or nine major theoretical approaches including realism, liberalism, the English school, Marxism, critical theory, feminism, postmodernism, constructivism, and sometimes, green theory within the discipline. All of these have internal divisions; hence even categorizing them in one single approach may become problematic. The question here is how this theoretical plurality can become a strong point for the discipline. According to Ree (2014), there have been five strategies in dealing with plurality in the discipline: zero-sum approach with an emphasis on the correctness of one’s approach and absolute denial of others —practically not fully followed by IR scholars, inviting all to compromise while insisting on the correctness of one’s approach, representing one’s approach as a middle-ground and, hence, more correct, “regrounding” the discipline through developing a framework for maintaining plurality, and finally celebrating plurality.
Here on the basis of the fourth, and specifically the fifth strategy, I show how plurality is inevitable and it can even be considered to be an important value. First of all, none of the existing IR theories can fully respond to —even fundamental—questions in the discipline as even their most insistent proponents admit that their theories are not flawless or complete. Thus, no single approach can be seen as privileged. Secondly, none of the theoretical approaches is dominant in the field. Many studies in recent decades have demonstrated this. My main argument here is that the plurality of theories is a fact, and that from various points of view it can be seen as favorable —or at least harmless— as far as individual scholars’ concerns, accumulation of knowledge, and policy/objective needs are concerned. Individual scholars normally see their own theoretical stance persuasive. They may have a major claim about the explanation of an important dimension of international life or see their work as complementary to the existing literature but rarely anyone claims that his/her theoretical stance explains everything in international relations. Scientific modesty is an agreed upon value in IR.
Positivists see the value of plurality within the limits of “scientific standards” that should be applicable to all. Yet, as scientific/naturalist approach is not recognized as the only or even the privileged one, it may easily lead to unjustified de-legitimization and marginalization of certain theoretical endeavors. Furthermore, as far as substantive aspects of theorization are concerned, considering complexity of international life and the fact that causal relations are not necessarily uni-directional, under-determination and over-determination are pervasive. Even positivists do not deny that reaching a single paradigm is impossible. At the same time, the way out of this dilemma is certainly not a model in which all identifiable variables are included, as such a schema cannot go beyond an analytical model which is neither parsimonious nor falsifiable and may lack consistency. As far as post-positivists and interpretivists are concerned, plurality is itself a justified value. 
One of the reasons of skepticism about theoretical plurality is practical and policy concerns. If knowledge is to be a useful instrument and be applicable in decision making, it should be “problem solving”. Yet it is most often theoretically inspired research that can be helpful in practice or policy, and one may easily show that studies based on specific theories including explanatory and constitutive one —and even most radical approaches such as post-structuralism— can shed some light on certain aspects of international life, and thus help decision-makers understand it better. Of course, as far as critical approaches are concerned, their applicability is not necessarily for states —especially great and dominant powers— but the forces that seek radical changes. Thus, dependent upon type of theory and the questions asked, theories and theory-based studies can serve various international actors in practice.
This article sees theoretical plurality as plurality of lenses or spotlights that concentrate on specific dimensions of international life and argues for a dialogical approach in which this plurality is recognized at both theoretical and meta-theoretical levels, it is valued as an expression of various experiences of the world and the knowledge produced on the basis of that reflects those experiences, and “truth” —even if partial— is seen as being attainable through dialogue. Such an approach to plurality can, on the one hand, justify plurality without relativism or exclusion of any particular theory and, on the other hand, can pave the way for the inclusion of non-Western theories in the discipline.

The current article assuming that the theory of tolerance is a fundamental solution to achieve the goals of the political system and civil mutual acceptance, and also has a special place in the works of Imam Khomeini, intends to follow and highlight it in the Imam's thought by examining the theoretical support of tolerance in Islamic and Western civilization. The rights of individuals and how to interact with others is one of the aspects of Imam Khomeini's thought, which is manifested by observing and recognizing civil rights and freedoms in his speech and actions. The study of the works of Imam Khomeini (ra) shows that in his views he has explained the need for tolerant interaction in a society and its effects on social and religious life, and also with his political tradition of behavior has shown that violent behavior not only is not effective in Individual and social reform, but it is also the source of larger and more complex corruptions. In Imam Khomeini's thought, tolerance is a paradigmatic concept extracted from religious texts and from the perspective of political ethics and political philosophy, it is an integral part of religious sovereignty and a moral virtue and legal-political principle that in practice leads to The peaceful life of individuals and groups with beliefs. A different and distinct way of acting allows for the emergence and emergence within a given society; Therefore, it is a good way to establish social capital in society and reduce social and political tensions between groups. The research method in this article is a comparative-analytical one that by historically examining the course of the concept in both Islamic and Western civilizations and then analyzing it in Imam's thought, finally came to the conclusion that resorting to Imam's thought and political action can be a suitable solution for many The current problems of Islamic-Iranian civilization.

The confrontation of “us” against “others” is one of the paramount mind-challenging issues for Iranian intellectuals and scholars for many years before the Iranian Constitution. The present dissertation aims to address the issue concerning how the “collective self” or our perception of being “side by side” or “against the others” is conceived from Mikhail Bakhtin’s viewpoint. To this end, it was attempted to analyze the hypotheses contained in Bakhtin’s thought system to understand and interpret the qualities of our interactions with others. Accordingly, Chantal Mouffe’s approach toward statesmanship was employed to examine the hypothesis of confrontation manner between “us” against “the others” regarding the identity and development discourse. This discourse has been improved during the contemporary period despite the efforts of intellectuals and politicians of the era in terms of understanding and recognizing the other (as in modernity). Eventually, it led to the strengthening of monologue-hostile discourse by the regimes, and dialogue with “the others” was realized in an inadequate and fragile manner during some periods. It appears that the concept of Bakhtinian dialogism along with Mouffe’s political language can be interpreted and employed to block dialogue in today’s Iranian society concerning the aspects of this confrontation

Intercultural philosophers, by accepting the "other" and criticizing modern philosophy on the one hand, and benefiting from the philosophical multiplicity of the postmodern era, and also the attention to the requirements of globalization, on the other hand, speak of intercultural philosophy as a new trend in contemporary philosophy. And by rejecting exclusivism in particular philosophy and culture, they seek a theory of dialogue between philosophies and cultures. A theory that requires the possibility of examining new ideas from the perspective of the mentioned philosophy and provides the basis for ideas such as Rumi. Like the other, in Adhar's view, it belongs to "absolute existence and its various manifestations" in Rumi's thought. The basis on which we can talk about the possibility of rereading intercultural philosophy. In the present article, the theory of "intercultural philosophy and its various dimensions" have been explained by the "descriptive-analytical" method and based on the basis of "other" and "absolute existence and dissemination of truth" as a hypothesis. On this basis, Rumi believes in the multiplicity of cultures and philosophies. This multiplicity of the field of intercultural philosophy and the attempt to achieve the overlapping of philosophies and cultures - the knowledge of the absolute truth beings for human. On the other hand, this fact prepares the ground for compassion and dialogue between philosophies and cultures and provides horizons of common understanding between them.

The main purpose of this paper is to identify and analyze the consensus in political thought and practice of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei. Thus, the present article seeks to answer the central question of what is the consensus in the leadership style of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei? In order to answer the paper's questions, document analysis method is used that is of a variety of qualitative methods. With this method, available documents include books, articles and theses and documents reviewed. By examining the political thought of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei, components such as consultation, dialogue and reasoning and elections Free and equal have been considered by Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei in the process of consensus building. It can be said that consensus on political thought and practice of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Ayatollah Khamenei has a special place. Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei have repeatedly emphasized on consultation, dialogue and elections .Therefore, after examining his political thought, he has tried to provide evidence of consultation, dialogue and election in a consensus. By studying in the leadership style of Imam Khomeini (PBUH) and Ayatollah Khamenei, we can say that he was engaged in political, social, cultural, economic, military, and ... issues Consensus through consultation, dialogue and negotiation, as well as public participation (elections). They have thus modeled their leadership style in consensus.

Freedom is one of the concepts which has a central place in the political thought of Islam and it is possible to obtain some strategies from Holy Quran which secures the movement of society towards it. This research seeks to find a strategy of dialogue to achieve political freedom. This is done with the help of the method of interpreting Ijtihad in which different methods like understanding a verse with the help of other verses, referring to Iijtihad narrations, referring to the use of other commentators, and the use of wisdom is applied to understand the subject. In the hypothesis, it has been emphasized that considering the mentioned method and the issues such as the possibilities in the Holy Quran for deliberate discussions and the role of libertarian knowledge, the strategy of dialogue for freedom can be found in areas such as reasoning and acceptance of the opponents and engaging in dialogue with them. This paves the way to achieve political freedom.

Political philosophy, in spite of its importance in contemporary times, has been criticized for reasons such as abstract approach or other environmental factors. In recent decades, congregations, neo-pragmatists and postmodernists have each criticized the utopian and unrealistic approach of the past political philosophy and defending the necessity of rethinking and adopting the modern components. Based on this condition, this article wants to answer the question of "what are the coordinates of contemporary political philosophy"? The hypothesis is that political philosophy has removed its utopian character which means it has come close to the theory of "life and practice" instead of the "theory of truth". Some of the utopian features are, according to the conditional-state situation, pragmatic rotation, the practice of dialogue, and also the focus on the category of justice. The present article is in the critical normative framework and written in an analytical-descriptive manner.

Political philosophy, in spite of its importance in contemporary times, has been criticized for reasons such as abstract approach or other environmental factors. In recent decades, congregations, neo-pragmatists and postmodernists have each criticized the utopian and unrealistic approach of the past political philosophy and defending the necessity of rethinking and adopting the modern components. Based on this condition, this article wants to answer the question of "what are the coordinates of contemporary political philosophy"? The hypothesis is that political philosophy has removed its utopian character which means it has come close to the theory of "life and practice" instead of the "theory of truth". Some of the utopian features are, according to the conditional-state situation, pragmatic rotation, the practice of dialogue, and also the focus on the category of justice. The present article is in the critical normative framework and written in an analytical-descriptive manner.

After decades of silence, Tunisian revolted against dictatorship in 2011. Their revolution inspired the Arab world. The present study analyzes why this event with comprehensive look evaluates the word forum on human rights of the revolution”, in other word, the main issue is what effect and roll has been“The world forum human rights” on Tunisia revolution? This research tends to globalize in the zone of human rights, claims that globalization in different aspects of economic, social, technological, cultural has been created the perception and space discourse of human rights in Tunisia before revolution. While the government reject these changes and refrained from accepting civil and political rights, economic, social and cultural of the society, until the dominant discourse (Human Rights) for getting rights and ideals like freedom Justice, dignity and equality against the political and regime align and overthrow it.

The bitter fact of internal conflicts that the world of Islam is suffering from today has made the majority of thinkers to look for solutions. There is no way but dialogue to solve this complicated status quo. Following a review of the concept of dialogue and some of its specifications, this paper has employed “lived experience” to highlight the importance of Iranian-Arab dialogue and pave the way for its success in generalization of this pattern of dialogue into all other forms of dialogue in Islamic community. Then, pointing to some requirements and prerequisites of such a dialogue, in the first step, the paper has focused on mutual recognition of the two sides and proposed that the intellectual currents in Iran and the Arab world must be analyzed in view of the self and other through five factors of genealogy, situation, intellectual and religious fundamentals, social status and stance vis-à-vis major issues of the Islamic ummah. This needs establishment of a permanent secretariat at one of the institutes trustable to the Muslim thinkers in both Iran and the Arab world.

Dialogue has a history as long as the history of human being and it has been embedded in the nature or man. Its excellence and magnificence have an unbreakable link with human nature. Humans started dialogue with one another ever since he attained a level of social life and accordingly diversity and difference in opinions and in understandings appeared. In the course of history, various scientists and thinkers have studied this from various perspectives but the common point in the meantime is the need for dialogue among humans, social institutions and classes, in all fields and subjects needed. The Holy Quran highlights the status and authenticity of dialogue not only by the type, methods and subject matters, but also stressed on its form and purposeful and constructive content as an urgent and natural issue in order to facilitate the ideals, goals and excellence of Islamic community in various individual and groups levels. Since great experts of future studies consider the two main Islamic tenets of “spirituality and culture” as the two future paradigms of humanity, it is necessary for Iran and the Arab world to resort to the Quranic tradition of constructive and purposeful dialogues, in order to pave the ground for a civilized, cultural and spiritualistic society based on human capacities and capabilities. The principal question of this research paper deals with the status and role of constructive Quranic dialogues in the civilized society before Iran and the Arab world. The research method is library based.

However, the Muslim world has always been faced with the Unifying and divisive factors But each time the unifying elements are widely emerged, and field of unity is provided. This article seeks to answer the question of: what are the Islam's internal capacities for interaction and dialogue? In the meantime the hajj is considered as a universal worship that gathers Muslims together from around the world each year in the same worship, at the same time and from the same place to be checked the capacities to establish and strengthen of interaction and dialogue in the Muslim world. Hajj has the capacity of making interact and political dialogue among the Islamic worlds with strengthen civilization identity and focusing on a common enemy. On the other hand strengthen of religious identity and social capital in Hajj boosting Muslim Community. Being Collectivity and deconstruction in the rites of Hajj, creates the interactional ritual. Moreover, moral sphere and the field of economic interaction in Hajj can be analyzed in order to expand the interaction and dialogue in the Muslim world.

Imam Khomeini (ra) is one of the unparalleled and outstanding figures of human history, divinely high ideas of whom can open the ways for human community in all fields. Imam Khomeini (ra) maintained that divine religion is based on nature that has good, God-seeking, peace-seeking and justice-seeking character; it has nothing to do with violence and he said any attempt to create violence and religion bond whether interpersonal, social and in international order is doomed to failure. The message of Islam and ideals of Imam Khomeini (ra) is to avoid violence, to emphasize on peace and co-existence as strong pillars of peace in human community and to have dialogue, logic and reasoning as suitable and firm method for understanding differences and approximating thoughts. To Imam Khomeini (ra), there are challenges and barriers for dialogue and peace that human community must remove. For Imam Khomeini (ra), the barriers for sustainable peace in the world are disregarding independence of countries and intervening in their affairs, disobeying the principle of mutual respect, absence of unity among nations, fake peace, humiliating peace, unequal distribution of power, competitive system of superpowers, dependence of international organizations, disremembering justice and spirituality in aims of peace and controlling weapons by wrong crowd. Imam Khomeini (ra) believes that real and sustainable peace can only be achieved by the last Proof, Imam Mahdi (may Allah hasten his emergence) thanks to the world barriers; at that time, oppressors and the arrogant powers will become defeated and there will be real and honorable peace established based on divine teachings all over the world.

In Ferdowsi’s Shahnama narratives, in stylistic, literary illustration and imagination, the description of battle scenes are predominant, but in terms of theme, the main and prevalent message is avoiding violence and warning against extremism and massacre.Based on profound intuitive, mythical and Islamic philosophy, Ferdowsi in the narrative of Iraj prefers sustainable dialogue, understanding, peace, and non-violence and in continuation with that he highlights the need for justice and avoiding extremism in the reign of Jamshid, while citing the damages that may ensue as a result of ignoring moderation and humbleness in the second part of his life. As in the story of Fereidun, when the foundations for nationwide government of the great land of Iran is laid, he explains non-violence and avoidance of extremism both through Faranak, Fereidun’s mother, as well as in the course of the charter of governance of Fereidun. Still in a more concerted effort, non-violence and extremism are expressed by Sindokht in the story of the marriage of Zaal and Rudabeh. Finally Rostam, the symbol of Iranian heroism, is the result of non-violence and avoiding war between Iran and Kabul and the fruit of marriage of Zaal, reared by Simorgh legendary bird, with Rudabeh survivor of Zahhak generation. Ferdowsi displays this approach magnificently in the warp and woof of the story of Siavash and Kaykhosrow. Such an approach is even observable in the dialogue between Rostam and Esfandiar to highlight the need for non-violence and war. Finally, it can be said that Ferdowsi’s Shahnama is based on fundamental anthropological pillars due to its Iranian mystical foundations and hence the main themes of this magnum opus are man and his anxieties and concerns. These themes are not only observable throughout the mystical section, but also in the major epic sections.

In this article, both the cognitive and social grounds as well as the consequences of postmodern orientalism is investigated using the archival-analytic method. The discussion at hand is centred upon a cognitive approach to the different stages and periods of orientalism and proceeds by following the developments in ‘science’ and knowledge. While it is true that changes in the notion of ‘science’ during the last few centuries has affected the conceptualization and epistemological approach of orientalism, leading to a new humility and to the use of a more conciliatory language, it nevertheless appears to be the case that the West is striving to quietly revive the classical spirit of orientalism-one that looks at and marginalizes the East in a colonialist way-in this present period labelled as postmodern. The paper in hand applies itself to these themes and in the process alludes to some of the new approaches to orientalism as enunciated by figures such as Edward Said, Ziauddin Sardar, Leila Ghandi, Hisham Djait