power structure

Instability in the West Asian region and the increase in uncertainties and fluid coalitions have caused a large amount of the field of vision of political decision makers in the region to decrease. Based on this, the present article has been written using a combination of Walt's threat balance theory and Bauman's blue modernity theory as an alternative approach in understanding the roots of alliances in West Asia. According to the above topics, this article seeks to answer the question, on what basis do the Arab states of the West Asian region enter into alliances with each other, and what variables influence their alliances? The hypothesis of the research is presented as follows: the presence of threats (real or imagined) at different levels of analysis, increasing the feeling of insecurity in turbulent times such as the developments in Arab countries, determines the preferences of governments regarding regional cooperation and the formation of coalitions. In contrast, the influential variables in coalitions are regional and international conflicts and concern for political survival in Arab states. In the present study, the approach of descriptive-analytical research and its method is process research and sample research as qualitative research methods. Documentary and library sources and reliable sources in the field of regional politics have also been used in the collection of information.

This research was conducted with the aim of analyzing the phenomenological perspectives of political science students towards the factors influencing political trust (political officials in the Islamic Republic of Iran). In this study, a qualitative approach and interpretative phenomenological method were used. The target population of the study consisted of postgraduate political science students from universities across the country in 2023. Through purposive sampling, interviews were conducted with 19 individuals. Data collection was done through semi-structured in-depth interviews. The data were analyzed using thematic analysis method based on grounded theory and a three-stage coding method by Strauss and Corbin (1990). Based on the results, 10 main themes (political legitimacy; management and performance weaknesses; democracy; economic security; cultural security; agent-oriented; political security; ideological; social security and judicial security), 4 sub-themes (political, social, economic, and cultural) and 62 codes were identified. It was concluded that in order to build trust in the country’s political officials, policies should be aimed at predictability, commitment, competence, transparency, and responsiveness. Through these policies, it is possible to help reduce political distrust in society.

The subject of this article is a comparative study of the relationship between Sultan Faqih in the Middle Islamic and Safavid periods. The main question of the article: How was the relationship between the sultan and the jurist in the construction of power in the Middle Islamic and Safavid periods? The hypothesis of the present article is as follows: the sultan-faqih relationship in the middle Islamic period was based on the oneness of the caliph and the sultan, while in the Safavid period, the dual and simultaneous rule of the sultan and the faqih was witnessed. The results of the research show that the construction of power in the middle period was based on the trinity of caliphate, congregation and obedience, and the caliph, as the most important institution of Islamic society, was the organizer of religious order and political order at the same time. However, in the Safavid period, the construction of power was removed from the unity of the middle period, and the institution of religion, in the form of the leadership of scholars and jurists, played a role in giving legitimacy to the Safavid sultans in parallel with political power, and as an important factor in politics, to consolidate its position in society. Iranian payment; The power of the religious institution was strengthened during the post-Safawi era and finally, in its historical course, it came objectively in the theory of religious authority and religious sovereignty in Iran, and a political system based on the authority of the authority, in which the duality of jurisprudence and monarchy was eliminated, and the guardian of the authority was the most important position. was ruled; Formed. The research method of this article is qualitative and descriptive-analytical, and the data was collected from library resources by the method of sampling.

The return of the Taliban to power and the withdrawal of the United States from Afghanistan have presented opportunities and threats to the West Asian region. Undoubtedly, the formation of the weak Taliban government in Afghanistan has worried the neighbors of this country, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, about future relations. Now the question of the article is, what effect will the coming of the Taliban have on the internal political and social structure of Afghanistan and the future of relations with Iran? It is assumed that according to the prevailing conditions in Afghanistan after the return of the Taliban, based on the existing differences, the future of Iran-Afghanistan relations will face challenges related to issues such as geopolitics, conflict in the eastern borders of the country and creating insecurity, hydro-hegemony, and drug trafficking. , immigration and asylum, the base for the formation of terrorist groups such as ISIS will be faced. The findings of the article indicate that the Taliban is not united and coherent, because the political Taliban must be separated from the ideological Taliban. The future of the relations between the two countries contains threats and opportunities, the threats are mostly in the area of ​​border insecurity, water issues, immigration and drugs, and opportunities in the economic field. In this article, descriptive-analytical research method has been used. The main method of collecting information for this article was through library resources and related sites, especially in the descriptive sections.

Certainly, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is one of the resources forhuman rights. Assessing the universality of the declaration is crucially important in this regard. It is concerned with investigating topics such as the universality of human rights in regard to studying the viewpoints of Iran and Saudi Arabia aboutthe universality of human rights, as well as the effects of culture, religion, and traditions in the Muslim countries in respect to accepting or not accepting the universality of human rights. The question that this study is seeking to answer is what is the position of human rights from the viewpoints of two centers of the world of Islam, i.e., Saudi Arabia and Iran? This is a descriptive-analytical study. The data were collected through the documentary method and library research. This article is concerned with the relationship between civil society and human rights organizations. A cause-and-effect relationship was considered in which civil society is the factor causing the efficiency of human rights organizations. In addition, the absence of civil society is the cause leading to the absence of human rights, and a lack of respect for this phenomenon, and prevents it from being executed and transformed into an effective institution in a country. As a factor and a platform for the development of human rights and the mechanisms related to it, this issue was investigated in the Middle East, i.e., in Iran and Saudi Arabia, each of which follows a different mechanism but of the same nature. The problem of human rights violations and failure to develop civil society is overlooked in all countries in the Middle East. However, Saudi Arabia lacks law governance in its legal system's structure. Due to this characteristic, Saudi Arabia is a case phenomenon and notorious in the new world. On the other hand, Iran has posed numerous challenges in this regard on account of its different interpretation of the foundation of human rights from the Universal Declaration.

Recognizing the structure and distributing of power is one of the key variables in understanding the pattern of foreign behavior of a state in the international system.The presumption of this research is that, the power structure of the Saudi Arabia as a monarchy system, has a direct effect on the country’s approach in foreign policy.so the structure of power and decision making process in Saudi Arabia and analyzing foreign policy toward Iran is analised within the theoretical frame work on Neo-classical realism.The root of different behaviors to a foreign threats goes back to the formation of the Saudi asymmetric power structure, which since its inception has been based on the king element as the core of power, which always makes government behavior in the foreign arena a function of its status. The internal challenges lead corrosively foreign policy approach to external environment in form of aggressive approach and a player as regional hegemonic power.According to the author hypothesis, the form and structure of Power in Saudi Arabia is a key element in determining balancing strategies and Facilitating the threefold relationship of cooperation, competition and conflict in foreign policy.Hence the main goal of research is responding to key question to what extend the effects of concentrated power structure in Saudi Monarchy system on foreign policy particularly on Islamic Republic of Iran.

This article deals with the role of Bakhtiari elites in the Islamic Revolution and its subsequent structure. The hypothesis of the article is that Bakhtiari elites played a role in the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution and then the political conf igur at i o n of the government after that. The results of the research show that these elites through measures such as the conquest of Tehran and then competition and monitoring of political and social developments (struggles against the Shah's regime) and then non-biased acceptance of the interests of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1978 (such as abandoning weapons and patrimonial system and coping with democratic organizations) and then loyal to the Islamic Revolution and its vital concepts such as sacred defense, have maximum political and social partici p a t ion in the comprehensive enrichment of the emerging concept of the nation-state. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and data coll ec ti on is library.

The present article examines the position of the political elites of the Bakhtiari people in the contemporary history of Iran. The main question of this article: What is the special historical position of Bakhtiari political elites and what social and political variables forced them to act according to the situation? Based on this question, the hypothesis that is raised is that in two important periods of contemporary Iranian history (constitutionalism and the first and second Pahlavi), the influential variable of Bakhtiari elite is based on property, while this variable undergoes a major change in 1979. The results of the research show that during the Islamic Revolution, the distinction between the Bakhtiari elites and the masses disappeared and it is precisely the integrated body of the people that sided with the revolution and played a role in its eventual victory. The research method in this article is to collect historical documents in a library manner and then analyze the data.

A key aspect of states is their structure of power. States are not like each other in power structure, and they are different. One of the effective factors on the structure of states power is related to the use of rental resources. In this regard, one of the theories that analyzed these states is rentier state theory. Existing researches in this theory has some deficiencies, such as the methodology weakness to explain the role of rental sources on the structure of state power. So the main purpose of this paper is developing the knowledge in rentier state theory through the use of a new theoretical-experimental approach, namely the political networks dialectical approach to explaining the role of rental resources in the structure of state power. A case study is state of Bahrain. The main question is, what is the role of the rental resources in the power structure of the Bahrain state based on the political networks dialectical approach? The researcher's approach is explanatory. The theoretical framework is based on the political networks dialectical approach using of the documentation tool for qualitative findings, and of the quantitative tool (by SOCNETV software) for quantitative findings in network analysis. The results of the paper show that rental resources play a major role in building the patron-client model in the power structure of the Bahrain state, and the political networks dialectical approach is also useful in analyzing this kind of structure.

On the eve of the victory of the Islamic Revolution, political parties and groups tried in various ways to play a role in the process of drafting and approving the constitution and to include their political-intellectual demands and expectations in the text and content of the constitution. Therefore, the constitution and the discussions surrounding it became the most important center of the conflict of the discourses involved in the revolution. Accordingly, exploring how the intellectual foundations and ideology of political parties and groups involved in the power structure (with emphasis on the Freedom Movement) influence the process of drafting and approving the constitution of the Islamic Republic is the main question of this research. The results of the studies show that the differences in the ideological foundations and ideology of the political parties and groups involved in power have been one of the most important factors influencing the verbal conflicts in the process of drafting and approving the constitution. In this article, the library method is used to collect information and the analytical and descriptive method is used to evaluate the data.

The national power is referred to as a set of material and technical abilities that exist within the territory of a geographic-political entity called the country. Measuring and measuring the national power of nations to determine the country's position in the global geopolitical system and comparing the power of nations has always been a concern for political geographers, political scientists, and international relations. In this research, a new model for calculating national power is presented, criticized and evaluated by previous models of national power measurement, which is considered more comprehensive than previous models. Attention to all aspects of national power (in the form of nine factors of economic, political, military, spatial, transnational, territorial, social, scientific, technological and cultural), the use of various variables in the form of 87 variables, the emphasis on the use of new and strategic variables. According to the current time, using the Delphi method and referring to the experts' opinion about the role and importance of the effective variables of national power, the possibility of drawing the power structure in the world with an emphasis on Iran's position in the global geopolitical system, and ... the advantages of this model to Previous models. The present paper uses this model to measure the power of the countries of the Southwest Asia Region (the region of the 20-year vision document) in the form of nine separate factors. Accordingly, while determining the ranking of the countries of the region in terms of power in various aspects of political, economic, social, military, scientific, territorial, etc., comparative comparisons of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the countries mentioned, each of the nine factors, as well as in total Factors have been paid. The purpose of this paper is to examine the current state of Iran in terms of different dimensions of power in comparison with the countries in question, in order to determine the distance between the main objective of the program of vision (reaching the status of the supreme power of the region).

The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a regional and global effective power, is in need of reinforcing its role through interaction with states and creation of new alliances at the state level for deepening and extending its influence in the region. Iran’s active attendance in regional affairs, from the position of the heart of world of Islam, while consolidating its security and economic political roles in the region, will also increase its strategic significance in the international system. Diplomacy is especially important in this process and can manage parts of the functional deficiencies in foreign policy trends in other areas. This descriptive-analytical research employs library-based documentation for data collection. Following this approach, the research focuses on the processes involved in deepening of the Islamic Revolution from the present situation to a desired one through analyzing the strategic challenges and shortcomings of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of foreign policy. The most significant result of the research concerns the fact that the Islamic Republic of Iran, based on the components of national power, including the enjoyment of a national and powerful government, the use of geopolitical status and the presence of powerful ideology, can play a vital role in regional affairs.

For the examination of national power it is necessary to evaluate and calculate different economic, social, political, territorial and cultural factors of a country. Understanding and measurement of the national power of countries for determining their status and geopolitical weight has been the focus of attention of scientists and political observers. It can be said that there is a direct relation between the national power of a country and their participation in international scene. The purpose of the present paper is to study and evaluate the national power (both hard and soft power) of the five littoral states of Persian Gulf neighboring Iran. They are the United Arab Emirate, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain. The main question raised by the paper is “what is the power structure of these five countries neighboring Iran. The hypothesis is that the national determinants of power of the selected countries of the West Asia region keeps these countries at three levels; namely United Arab Emirate-Qatar, Kuwait-Oman and Bahrain. The methodology used in the paper is descriptive-analytical based on library materials. The finding of the study shows that the power structure of the five selected countries places them at three levels of power, in the first level of power is United Arab Emirate and Qatar, and in the second level is Kuwait and Oman and at the third level is Bahrain.

The Codified development documents of Iran indicate that the planned objectives in water section have not been successfully operated. Therefore, the present research has tried to find the basic reasons of such failure. The study explored the power structure in legal network of formal institutions connected with water management in the framework of "New Institutionalism Theory". Network of legal authorities of formal institutions related to water resources in national level was delineated with "Network Analysis" through UCINET and Netdraw Softwares. The results show that there is no good power distribution among water section institutions and no firm relationship among administrative and authoritative institutions in this section.

One of the aspects that can be considered in the analysis of the disaster of Mina is in terms of the power structure and the political system of Saudi Arabia. In this approach, the analysis of the Saudi power structure and political system will reveal a number of features that can be helpful to some extent in the interpretation of the how and why of the disaster of Mina. Saudi Arabia's political system which is based on a system of Rentier hereditary monarchy has led to such consequences as indifference toward the disaster, lack of accountability, media and diplomatic hegemony based on threat and bribery; on the other hand, the binary structure of the power (religion and politics) has resulted in legalizing and taking an ideological approach toward the incident. Furthermore, the strategic alliances of the West with the Saudis have led to the integration of the Western media with the government in the reflection of the incident. In addition, the impact of some of the variables in the time of the incident, such as the war in Yemen and Syria, and the challenges posed by the transition of the power should not be ignored.

In recent decades, Minority Sunni Arabs, especially the Baathists were the dominant political structure of Iraq and Shiites and Kurds had little participation in the central government. By emphasis on the processes of democratic and decentralized and pluralistic system in the new Iraqi state-building, we can acknowledge that while conflict and disagreement, all Iraqi religious ethnic groups participate in the political structure of the country.
Accordingly, investigate the political structure of power shows that always misleads a strange element from the original path. In fact, the occupation of Iraq by Americans in 2003, the doctrine of liberalism and western human rights found their way through the laws of this country. of course, scholars and religious authorities have been tried to prevent the full structure of legal-governmental toward the bosom of western liberalism, which the author believes this issue has been repeated differently in the Thawra al-Eshreen and Shabaniyah Intifada movement.
These papers aims to dissect legal-governmental structure and investigate political dimensions of power in Iraq and has a scientific and detailed view referring to the involvement of strange elements and consider the aspects of the issue from the constitution, government partners, insecurity factors and the role of authorities and religious scholars view.

This study addresses the issue of “family power structure” of 380 residents in the zones of 3, 4, 5, 6 and 16 in metropolitan Tehran. Research findings suggest Symmetry of family power structure is in Iranian family. Also results show that the power structure of the family is an effective development policy.

Commitment to increase the political power of governments to maximize national interests and the government of every nation have effective internal support, where conditions are more effectively able to provide their national Maf within the international community and the environment as major government commitment inthe best, the best and most political power and efficiency goals of the Islamic system and provide the mechanism in four areas: the nature of political power, build strength, military actions and political actions and policies - on rights Brrsyand and the maximization of political power and efficiency the Islamic Republic of Iran, contribute.

Iran''s Islamic Revolution because of issuing new ideas، managed to have a considerable impact on its surrounding environment. regional and Int''l negative and destructive reactions to Iran''s Islamic Revolution depicts its meta natural nature in the best way among which was Iraqi invasion to Iran as a substitute war on behalf of both regional and Int''l states. Based on this idea، to shed light on this issue، writers try to answer the following question: Why was Iraqi invasion to Iran a beginning and continuation with the protection of regional and meta-regional states as well as silence and inaction of Int''l community? In other words، what factors justify Iraqi invasion to Iran as well as an unwritten alliance of both regional and meta- regional states to protect Iraqi regime? Our hypothesis is: «Due to enjoying a very powerful idea of political Islam as well as the fact that Iraqi community، in particular and the whole region in general، were vulnerable to political Islamic ideas which provided a ground for its acceptance among Muslim communities، Islamic political idea could distort the power balance between Iran and Iraq from one side and other aspects of power distribution in regional and meta-regional states from the other side. Applying a combination of historicalanalytical method، this paper tries to verify above-gone issues.

National power consists of tangible and intangible capabilities that exist within the realm of a geographical unit called state. The measurement of national power for the purpose of ranking of the sates in international geopolitical system and its comparison with other countries has always been a concern of political geographers, political scientists and scholars of international relations. Hence several multivariable and single-variable methods have been invented to measure the power of countries. Attempts have been made in the present paper to review the existing measures and also measure the national power of Muslim states on the basis of nine economic, political, military, special, extraterritorial, territorial, scientific, technological, social and cultural elements. Also after ranking the Muslim states on the basis of their political, social, economic power, the rank of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been compared with those of the Muslim states. Finally, a three-tier power model has been depicted to identify the status of Muslim states.