امنیت

The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 marked a turning point in the political, social, and security developments of the West Asian region. This revolution not only transformed Iran's internal structures but also had extensive impacts on the power dynamics in the region. As a result of this transformation, the Axis of Resistance emerged as a politico-military movement. This axis, consisting of Iran, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Syria, Palestinian resistance groups, and other allied forces, has significantly influenced the balance of power by altering the strategies of regional and international players. In this context, the Islamic Republic of Iran, leveraging its ideological, geopolitical, and military capabilities, has played a crucial role in leading and expanding this axis. To analyze the role of the Axis of Resistance and the changes it has brought to the region, neorealism, particularly the views of Kenneth Waltz, provides a suitable theoretical framework. This theory emphasizes that changes in the distribution of power and global and regional structures lead to the formation of strategic alliances and shifts in power dynamics. The Axis of Resistance, by weakening strategic rivals and strengthening regional alliances, has played a key role in redefining the regional order. The Axis of Resistance, through its military power, active diplomacy, and security strategies, has altered the political landscape of the region and influenced the policies of Western and Arab countries. Some of its most significant effects include:Role of the Axis of Resistance in Changing Security Strategies: The Axis of Resistance, as an influential force in the region, has impacted the security and military policies of various actors. By establishing military bases and supporting resistance groups, this axis has created effective deterrence against potential threats. These actions have not only strengthened Iran's security beyond its borders but also paved the way for countering the aggressive policies of the West and its regional allies. Shift in the Regional Balance of Power: The Axis of Resistance has challenged the unilateral policies of the United States by creating new power poles in the region. Through increased military and political cooperation among regional actors, this axis has intensified existing rivalries and altered the balance of power. Countries that were previously dependent on U.S. policies are now seeking new relationships based on shared interests with Iran and resistance groups. Consolidation of Iran’s Regional Influence: One of the key outcomes of the Axis of Resistance has been the expansion of Iran’s strategic depth in neighboring countries. By capitalizing on the power vacuums created by U.S. failures in Iraq and Afghanistan, Iran has strengthened its presence in these nations. Support for resistance groups in Syria and Lebanon has further solidified Iran’s position as a regional power. This influence has not only ensured Iran’s national security but also enhanced its geopolitical standing at the regional and international levels. Failure of Western Strategies in Regional Order Formation: The policies of the United States and its allies aimed at establishing a new regional order that sidelines Iran have encountered multiple obstacles. Western efforts to contain Iran through sanctions, diplomatic pressure, and support for internal opposition have failed to diminish its influence. Instead, the Axis of Resistance, through maintaining cohesion and coordination among its members, has shifted the balance of power in favor of Iran. This trend has led to the failure of Western strategies in shaping their desired regional order. Increasing Regional Actors’ Inclination Towards the Axis of Resistance: In recent years, many regional players previously aligned with Western policies have gradually gravitated towards the Axis of Resistance. The success of this axis in countering security threats and maintaining regional stability has led some countries to show greater willingness to cooperate with Iran and its allies. This shift in approach has facilitated stronger regional cooperation and reduced regional dependence on the West. The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the emergence of the Axis of Resistance have brought about fundamental changes in regional and international politics. By forming strategic alliances and supporting resistance groups, Iran has managed to shift the balance of power in its favor and reduce the traditional influence of major powers in the region. The Axis of Resistance, as a model of political and social convergence, has curbed the aggressive policies of its rivals and altered their security and military strategies. This process, in addition to strengthening Iran’s position, has paved the way for the formation of a multipolar order in West Asia. Overall, the Axis of Resistance has proven to be a significant force in shaping the political and security landscape of the region and influencing its future trajectory.

Terrorism, as one of the greatest security challenges in the world, has far-reaching impacts on societies and states. This article examines the security implications of terrorism and explores approaches for managing it. Utilizing analytical and descriptive methods and drawing on library and online sources, the study investigates the economic, security, and social consequences of terrorism. It seeks to answer the question: What are the most significant security implications of modern terrorism, and how can its crisis be effectively managed? The findings indicate that the modern terrorism crisis is not confined to a specific geographical area and thus must be considered a global phenomenon. Accordingly, managing this crisis through individual actions, state policies, and international organizations is regarded as an essential necessity.

Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1357, supporting liberating movements was adopted as one of the principles of Iran's foreign policy. The development of the influence of Israel and the West around Iran, the coordination of some governments in the region with the policies of these two actors, and the fluctuation of relations with Iran required Iran to make the support of the resistance groups the main priority of its foreign policy in the region for its own interests. As for the consequences of Iran's support for this axis, different views have always been expressed in Iranian society. The question that this article seeks to answer is: In the aftermath of the developments following the storm at Al-Aqsa, what is the impact of the weakening of the Axis of Resistance on Iran's security in West Asia? To answer the question of this research, an explanatory analytical method based on documentary data such as library and first-hand Internet data was used. The results show that the weakening of the Axis of Resistance has such consequences as: degrading the regional position and adapting the political geography to the territorial geography of Iran; Iran's withdrawal from the level of a regional power with the ability to change and influence the governing equations in West Asia will prevent the formation of a new regional order centered on resistance and prevent maximizing economic and political security and creating military deterrence against threats.

In the current world, the developments in the international system have changed the concept of security, today the concept of security has moved away from traditional, rigid, and military formats and has included multidimensional and new assumptions. Accordingly, the main goal of this research is to examine the existential threats of the occupying regime of Jerusalem in various internal and external dimensions from the perspective of the Copenhagen School. Accordingly, the main question of this research is what types of internal and external existential security threats does the occupying regime of Jerusalem face? It is worth noting that the research method in this research is analytical-descriptive and the data was collected based on library studies and documents. The existential security threats of the occupying regime of Jerusalem in the internal dimension include social divisions, ethnic divisions, religious divisions, internal corruption, reverse migration and changing the demographic structure in favor of the Arabs, water threats and increasing the Arab population. In the external dimension, the existential security threats include the boycott movement, lack of strategic depth and reduction of the international legitimacy of Israel and unprecedented attacks on Palestine and Gaza, as well as participation in the fall of Bashar in Syria and the invasion of the country's infrastructure through air and ground attacks and falling into a security dilemma due to the increasing cohesion of the resistance front and the stability of Hezbollah's positions in the West Asia region, as well as the successful operation Storm of Al-Aqsa. Due to its artificial and unnatural structure, Israel has been a breeding ground for various political and social divisions and tensions since its inception. Deep internal and external existential threats have severely jeopardized the political life of this regime and its existential security.

In a macro perspective, the state-nation building process in Afghanistan, as a historical challenge, has gone through a tense period of civil wars and foreign interventions due to its wide ethnic and religious diversity. These structural problems have prevented the provision of sustainable security in the country. On the other hand, Afghan society experiences many complexities in various aspects, including social, economic and political, as well as beliefs, values and mental attitudes. These complexities have increased in Afghan society due to cultural, ethnic and religious diversity. The introduction of manifestations of modernity, such as new technologies, new ideologies and modern social structures, has led to the emergence of problems in the coordination of these developments with the traditional values and norms of society. In general, these developments have intensified the waves of conflict between traditionalists and modernists among different groups and strata of Afghan society and have made its management more complex. This article analyzes Afghan security from an intellectual and social perspective. Accordingly, the present article seeks to answer the question of what consequences the conflict between tradition and modernity has had in Afghan society in recent centuries and how it has affected Afghan security? In response, the hypothesis is put forward that with the arrival of manifestations of modern civilization in Afghanistan, especially since the era of Amanullah Khan, this society has gradually suffered an ideological split and has become fattened by fundamentalism as a result of the destructive conflict between modernist and traditionalist forces.

This research is developmental in terms of its purpose and the research method is qualitative and of the type of document analysis and the tool for collecting information is whistleblowing.

The data indicate that ideological conflicts between conservative and reformist forces in Afghanistan since the early 20th century have, while creating transformative waves, consistently had negative effects on the country's development and social stability process. This theoretical and practical conflict between the two streams of thought has weakened the state-nation building process, which aimed to create a unified national identity, and as a result, Afghanistan has become an environment full of internal tensions and security threats. On the one hand, traditional forces are trying to preserve and strengthen their ethnic and religious identities, and on the other hand, modernist forces are seeking to implement new global values in the country's social and political structures. This identity dialectic has exacerbated social crises and increased tensions, and by reducing the effectiveness of the state, it deepens existing gaps. Ultimately, this situation has had major impacts on Afghanistan’s national security, and its results are clearly visible at various geographical and political levels of the country, especially in the strengthening of radical and fundamentalist groups.

The conflicting waves of tradition and modernism will continue in the future. This conflict could exacerbate further social and political instability in the future, as different groups with different values and beliefs will not be able to agree on a common national identity. These gaps could provide a suitable space for radical and fundamentalist groups to exploit these turmoil and expand their influence. Also, the strong resistance of traditional groups to modern changes could slow or halt reform processes and social and economic development, which would ultimately negatively affect the country’s security. As a result, this conflict could expose Afghanistan to further security threats in the future, including the intensification of terrorist group activities and increased internal instability.Keywords: Security, Afghan society, ideological divide, tradition, modernism.

  The relations between China and Iran in the era of globalization have question and focus of this research is what is the security and political strategy of Iran and China, emphasizing the 25-year cooperation document between Iran and China. In order to explain this issue by using the analytical-descriptive method, it can be said that China has chosen two requirements at the macro level of foreign policy) a) strengthening stability in China's security environment (in regional and international spheres) and b) attracting resources international necessary to advance the process of economic development (economic and political resources). In this regard, the Islamic Republic of Iran, as a country with rich oil and gas reserves, can be an estimate of China's needs. Also, in the field of the international system, both the countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and China have not accepted the order desired by the United States and are trying to change this order. In this framework, these two countries can complement each other and expand their areas of cooperation. In fact, it can be said that the security and political results of the 25-year agreement between Iran and China can be seen in cases such as opposition to the American world order, security independence from America, ignoring US and Western sanctions, support for the multipolar world, China's opposition to The interference of foreign forces in internal affairs and the weakening of Iran's stability and security and regional and global peace were considered.

West Asia has long been a hotspot for various forms of violence. The complex and multifaceted security threats in the region—coupled with the inherent fragility of states—demand that security be redefined within a new, regional framework. To break away from traditional security policies, there is increasing emphasis on the growing role of non-state actors, established norms, and cooperative security arrangements. In this context, the concept of governance is offered as a means to describe both the dispersion of power and the emergence of new oversight mechanisms that counterbalance state dominance. As a result, regional security governance is now seen as an important form of collective security. With this in mind, this study focuses on three key regional powers—Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia—to examine the process of security governance and the factors that shape it.

The study employs a mixed-methods approach. On the quantitative side, international data were analyzed to review the progress of regional security governance over the past decade. For the qualitative aspect, a focus group session was conducted with 10 experts (9 men and 1 woman), and the discussions were analyzed using MAXQDA software.

In terms of persuasive (or soft) policies, Iran’s performance improved steadily, with its score rising from 20 in 2012 to over 24 in 2016. Conversely, Saudi Arabia’s persuasive policy score dropped from 48 in 2011 to about 33 in 2022, and Turkey also followed a downward trend. Regarding coercive (or hard) policies, Saudi Arabia achieved the highest score of 70 in 2015, while Iran recorded the lowest score of 40 in 2013. Additionally, Iran has been more effective in countering ISIS, whereas Saudi Arabia and Turkey escalated tensions with their military operations in Yemen and parts of Iraq and Syria, respectively. While Iran demonstrated that regional security is a top priority in its fight against ISIS, Turkey generally focused on protecting its borders from refugees and terrorist attacks, even seizing opportunities to intervene in Syria. The qualitative analysis identified 9 main categories and 25 sub-categories (with a total frequency of 310 mentions). Data analysis revealed that 84% of the obstacles to regional security governance in West Asia were associated with persuasive (soft) policies, while only 16% were linked to coercive (hard) measures. This finding suggests that before resorting to hard security tools, establishing regional security governance in this region should primarily rely on diplomatic dialogue and softer forms of engagement.

Focusing on Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, this research identifies both positive and negative factors influencing regional security governance in West Asia from 2011 to 2022. The study shows that security in the region cannot be ensured by governments alone. Instead, the active participation of non-state actors, international organizations, and a mix of persuasive (diplomatic and economic) and coercive (military and security) tools are crucial to shaping regional security governance. The analysis also indicates significant differences among the regional powers.Their national objectives tend to be almost diametrically opposed, resulting in a fluctuating form of regional security governance. For instance, the persuasive tools used by Iran in resolving regional disputes averaged a score of 22, compared to averages of 36 and 38 for Saudi Arabia and Turkey, respectively. While Saudi Arabia and Turkey show similar tendencies in their use of persuasive and coercive methods, Iran has taken a notably different approach. Reflecting on Europe's approach to regional security governance, it’s clear that after World War II, European nations were able to adopt a democracy-based framework with support from the United States that led to nearly uniform responses to conflicts.However, in West Asia, the role of major powers has had the opposite effect—fueling tensions and exacerbating conflicts. Their involvement, most notably their support for the establishment of Israel, has contributed to major issues such as the Arab-Israeli wars, increased securitization, and a drift toward authoritarianism among regional governments. The military presence of extra-regional powers has pressured these countries to prioritize military solutions instead of diplomatic ones. Furthermore, the region’s geopolitical and economic significance continues to fuel competition among thses powers. Rivalries, such as that between China and the United States, have even led to bloc formations in the region, potentially undermining the development of regional security governance. Even the region's failed state- and nation-building process—which is seen as one of the main reasons why this form of governance has not been established in West Asia—has been influenced, to some extent, by the Sykes-Picot Agreement and by Israel.The qualitative findings further highlight that regional powers’ abilities to protect their societies (by leveraging resources for defense and military intervention), combined with their unique interpretations of security and stability, domestic multi-actor dynamics (involving the role of non-state actors), and external delegations to regional organizations, are among the key factors shaping regional security governance. On the other hand, issues such as the Israel factor, extra-regional interventions, authoritarian tendencies, strategic culture, border disputes, and incomplete or unsynchronized political and economic structures have negatively affected its development.

Germany and France, as two national actors, engage in processes of security convergence at both regional and extra-regional levels. However, the prevailing structural approach to analyzing security behaviors has proven insufficient and only partially explanatory. Germany and France’s joint membership and alliances within the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)—representing regional and extra-regional convergence, respectively—underscore the need for an analytical framework that integrates all three levels of analysis. The present research aimed to understand the rationale behind Germany and France’s divergent security behaviors despite their many commonalities. To achieve this, the study introduced the framework of strategic culture. This approach is either underutilized or largely absent in Persian academic literature. Strategic culture offers a multi-level analytical perspective that goes beyond traditional system-level analysis. One advantage of studying strategic culture is that it offers a comprehensive analytical framework capable of addressing unresolved questions about rational approaches, while explaining actors’ behaviors based on a new conception of rationality. Strategic culture explains behaviors by considering non-material factors and, unlike constructivism, is not limited to focusing solely on structural elements at the system-level analysis. To understand the underlying factors shaping the divergent security behaviors of Germany and France in responding to external security concerns, it is essential to develop a conceptual framework capable of capturing the complexity of their behaviors and the differences between the two allies. This research proposed the framework of strategic culture, incorporating variables from three key levels of analysis: domestic, regional, and extra-regional. This tri-level approach highlights one of the core strengths of the strategic culture framework—its capacity to reveal the nuanced behavioral differences between allied actors such as Germany and France. The main question is: Despite the many commonalities between Germany and France, what explains the differences in their behaviors and responses to similar issues? This question cannot be fully answered using a purely structural approach. Instead, the strategic culture of each country, analyzed at three main levels, provides context for behaviors that result in significant differences in their responses to similar issues.

The literature analyzing governments’ security behaviors through the lens of strategic culture can be categorized into three major generations. The first generation asserts that strategic culture shapes behavior, which in turn influences its surrounding environment or strategic culture (Gray, 1999; Snyder, 1977). The second generation focuses on the causal effect of strategic culture on choices and behaviors, even if this influence is only apparent or instrumental (Klein, 1988; Lawrence, 1997). The third generation takes a more eclectic approach than its predecessors. While acknowledging various factors and resources that contribute to the formation of strategic culture, it avoids the tautological reasoning of the first generation. Instead, it adopts the second generation’s view that strategic culture serves as an external resource influencing strategic behaviors. In essence, the third generation seeks to establish a causal relationship between strategic culture and an actor’s strategic behaviors, while also recognizing the role of non-cultural variables in shaping such behaviors (Johnston, 1995). The concept of strategic culture introduces a new understanding of rationality, encompassing various methodological branches. It is preferable to leave variables such as the form of governance or the knowledge of the decision-making process to the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism and other competing schools (Glenn, 2009). Several variables can be used to examine strategic culture through documents from a specific period, ultimately extracting a set of priorities based on an actor’s security choices and preferences (Johnston, 1995). The comparison of German and French security behaviors within the analytical framework of strategic culture proves to be innovative, particularly with respect to three levels of analysis. In other words, the present study distinguishes itself from other research by employing a multi-level strategic culture approach, utilizing three main levels of analysis and five variables to simultaneously compare the security approaches of Germany and France.

The present study used a qualitative and comparative method to analyze the sources and components of the strategic culture of Germany and France. It first developed an analytical framework for strategic culture, which was then applied to explain the strategic culture components of both Germany and France. Finally, the security measures of these two countries were compared at both regional and international levels. Finally, the strategic culture priorities of Germany and France were identified.

The findings highlighted German and French security behaviors in relation to the EU and NATO. A key finding regarding the strategic cultures of both countries is their stance on NATO and the EU. Germany views the EU as a complementary component of NATO, aimed at ensuring European security. In contrast, France places greater emphasis on European security, opposes the division of labor between NATO and the EU, while advocating for a strong and independent EU. Germany’s approach to NATO and the EU has not prevented it from assigning specific security responsibilities to the EU at various levels or from pressuring measures to enhance its defense capabilities. In a manner similar to France, Germany is working to boost cooperation in defense industries, including aviation, intelligence, space, and drone manufacturing. The pursuit of European security in the case of German strategic culture is inextricably linked to its European identity, whereas in France, it is rooted in the ideology of de Gaulleism. The German strategic culture views threats as networked and pervasive, leading to the belief that military action is an appropriate means of maintaining stability and international order. In contrast, the French elite perceive the country’s geopolitical position in distant regions and the African continent in a way that military action—even if unilateral—becomes a priority in the French strategic culture. The findings also helped explain not only France’s seemingly contradictory behaviors in NATO but also why Germany adopted certain military approaches in response to Iran’s seizure of the British oil tanker Stena Impero, diverging from its traditionally non-military stance.

Strategic culture essentially provides the non-material and intellectual foundations for understanding a government’s security behaviors. It shapes perceptions and judgments about external developments, thereby limiting or prioritizing the available options to achieve an actor’s goals in line with their unique vision. The analysis made clear the strategic priorities of Germany and France by comparing their strategic cultures. The results shed light on the meaningful differences between them and better clarified the behavioral nuances in their security approaches

Afghanistan has always been one of the important foci of political-security challenges due to its traditional, multi-ethnic, deep political and ideological divides. Apart from placing this country under the weakest world societies regarding stability and political-economic development, this issue has also created many challenges for the region's countries. With the formation of the second term of the Emirate of the Taliban in 2021 based on the Doha agreement, the main efforts of this group were devoted to the formation of a new, efficient, and stable government, which seems to create many challenges for its neighbors, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran. Based on this, the present study aims to investigate the process of the second state formation of the Taliban in Afghanistan and to explain its security threats to the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research approach is qualitative and descriptive phenomenological. The statistical community included experts in regional fields, international relations, geopolitics, and political science. The samples were selected purposefully and the sample size was determined to be 16 people according to the qualitative nature of the research until the data saturation. Analysis and analysis of the interview data was done by the Van Maanen method and based on the three steps of data coding, the data were continuously reviewed and refined. After analyzing the findings, 46 codes were extracted were categorized into three main components: security threats, ideological threats, and economic threats. For the category of security threats, 4 main categories were identified, and for the category of geopolitical and economic threats, 3 and 2 categories were identified, respectively.

The purpose of the present study is to investigate the barriers to the adoption of Industry 5.0 in supply chains. The research is applied in terms of purpose and survey method. The type of research is qualitative-quantitative. Given that the purpose of this study is to investigate the barriers to the adoption of Industry 5.0 in supply chains; therefore, the research method is exploratory-applied in terms of purpose; cross-sectional in terms of data collection time; in terms of philosophical inductive-deductive; and in terms of data collection method or nature and research method, survey. In order to conduct the research, the review content analysis method and DEMATEL were used. The statistical population is manufacturing industry managers. 10 people were selected as a snowball. The research tool in this study is a researcher-made paired comparison questionnaire. The analysis tool is the DEMATEL technique, which has led to the creation of cause-and-effect relationships. The results of the study indicate that the components of lack of management support, lack of capabilities and organizational commitment, security concerns, risk in data ownership and data security, and lack of government support are, in order of absolute priority, influential. This study recommends launching small and pilot projects with direct management and support from managers to prove the role of technology and innovation in improving processes. After a positive conclusion, these examples can act as a model and motivational factor for other departments and managers.

The aim of this research is to examine the impact of CRISPR biotechnology threats on nationalsecurity. In recent years, biological threats have become one of the key issues and Therefore, the research question is: What is the impact of CRISPR biotechnology threats on national security? To answer this question, we hypothesize that advanced biotechnologies such as CRISPR pose significant threats to national security, including their potential use as biological weapons, environmental impacts—both intended and unintended, diseases, artificial biological toxins, bioterrorism, and more. The findings of the study show that despite the benefits of genome editing and modification, there are serious concerns regarding the ethical aspects of presenting such technologies, the creation of new species in human populations, and the potential negative effects of unintended consequences. This is because biological defense in most powerful countries has adopted a security and foreign policy approach, without giving due attention to global public health. On the other hand, the militarization of certain sectors without coordination with other areas can lead to uncertain and unstable development, and inappropriate policymaking in relation to bioterrorism threats could jeopardize a country’s capacity to respond.

From the beginning of the formation of the Zionist regime in the occupied land of Palestine, the policy of establishing and communicating with ethnic and racial minorities and influencing them was part of the goals and strategies of the Zionist regime in the Middle East, and inciting various ethnic groups and clans was part of the Zionist conspiracy to determine The danger of countries that are not aligned with the Zionist goals and the creation of ethnic conflict in the Islamic world was that which crystallized in the framework of the "environmental strategy" of the Zionist regime. After the fall of the Baath government in Iraq, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq has become one of the targets of the occupation regime of Jerusalem, which has caused significant problems for the axis of resistance until today. This research was carried out with the aim of investigating the relations between the Zionist regime and the Kurdistan region of Iraq, and the challenges that these relations have created for the axis of resistance in a descriptive-analytical way.

The position of a country in a constantly changing and evolving region plays a cruial role in determining its status and role in the international system. Generally,It is believed that small states act more as power recipients rather than, sources of power,in international affairs.Qatar is one such country.It is known for its bold and adventurous policies in the Middle East and beyod. throughout history, policymaking and international interactions have been guided by conscious human actions and social organizations. However, recent advancements in artificial intelligence have brought fundamental changes to this landscape.Artificial intelligence,as one of the most important emergin technologies, has had widespread effects on all aspects of human life, including the foreign policies of nations.This trend is particularly expanding in developing countries.Qatar,as a key countries in the Persian Gulf region, especially in the fields of diplomacy and security,seeks to leverage this technology to strengthen its position in the international system.The country has made significant investments in research development, and the implementation of artificial intelligence across various sectors, and has integrated its as part of its national strategy. form the perspective of political theorists,this technology is regarded as a powerful tool in realizing Qatar,s national vision for 2034 playing a key role in its achievement.This research examines Qatar,s investments and advancements in artificial intelligence. Using the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School and a descriptive-analytical approach, it is based on the assumption that Qatars investment in artificial intelligence can elevate the country to a superior position in various fields, including foreign policy

The conflict involving the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and its urban branch, the Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement (YDGH), in Kurdish cities of Turkey has, for several weeks, destabilized national sovereignty in these regions and stripped governmental forces of their security control. The social ramifications of this conflict echo crises faced by several Muslim-majority countries in the Middle East.This study, while addressing the primary question of how Turkey's foreign policy confronts the PKK and its impact on the strategic security considerations of the Islamic Republic of Iran, explores the social and political developments within the Kurdish community. Additionally, it examines the approaches of the PKK and Kurdish political movements in Turkey. Methodologically, this research is descriptive-analytical. Data were collected through documentation and referencing credible sources such as books, articles, and reports, as well as field observations and the researchers' experiences.The findings indicate that by creating insecurity and altering the conditions in Iraq and Syria, Turkey has not only jeopardized the Iran-Iraq-Syria energy transit route to the Mediterranean but has also cast a shadow over the North-South transit corridor with the achievements in Karabakh.

The nuclear negotiations of the Islamic Republic of Iran following the Islamic Revolution have become one of the most significant aspects of Iran's foreign policy. Consequently, an understanding of the strategies employed by the various countries involved in these negotiations is of great importance to Iran's decision-makers, enabling them to pursue national interests in nuclear negotiations and other comparable cases within Iran's foreign policy. China has been an international mediator in the nuclear negotiations with Iran since 2006. Despite its involvement in the nuclear negotiations between Iran and the West, China's contradictory stance towards Iran's nuclear programme has rendered the rationale behind this country's actions opaque. The principal aim of this research is to examine the manner in which the official stance of the People's Republic of China towards Iran's nuclear programme was formulated during the so-called 5+1 negotiations with Iran. The findings of the study, which was based on Copenhagen school theory, indicate that despite China's efforts to de-securitise Iran's nuclear programme, the "speeches acts" of Beijing's leaders were predicated on the securitisation of Iran's nuclear activities. In order to test this hypothesis, this research employed a qualitative content analysis methodology and evaluated the speech acts of statements made by senior Chinese negotiators.

Throughout history, the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia has had ups and downs, from cooperation and peaceful competition to hostility and severance of relations. Political, geopolitical, ideological factors and different views on regional issues have been among the most important influencing factors in the relations between the two countries, and the reflection of this conflict beyond bilateral relations has also been manifested on the approach of other countries, policies and regional developments. With the severing of relations between the two countries since 2016, the competition and conflict between the two countries increased, but finally, in a process of decreasing tension, with the mediation of China, in 2023, the de-tension approach was put on the agenda. Therefore, it is important to investigate the process of de-escalation of the relations between the two countries in this research. The main question is, what were the effective factors in de-escalating the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia? The framework of constructivist theory has been used to investigate the issue of de-tension. The findings of the research showed that the de-escalation of the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia was influenced by the change in the perception of the two actors towards various issues, which was influenced by the change in the perception in the regional order, which was due to the ineffectiveness of the confrontation system between the two countries in the region, the decline of American policies and the strengthening of China's role in the region refers; On the other hand, there has been a change in perception towards the strategic environment, which has moved the security equation of the two countries towards a win-win game with an algebraic sum of zero, and finally, the redefinition of national interests to prioritize internal development and bypass regional militarism policies.

In the last decade, fundamental changes have been made in relation to the place of technology in human life, and new issues have been raised in relation to the digitalization of politics and changes in political and security attitudes. Today, artificial neural networks and algorithmic governance are used to monitor, control and regulate human actions. One of the areas in which artificial intelligence has found an important application is security in its broadest sense, including defense or military security, human security (information, internal security and economic and financial security), occupational security, health security and cyber security (information security). and the Internet of Things). These innumerable application areas and the inability of humans to exercise full control like machines force people in the security community to think about the possible vulnerabilities and security gaps caused by this evolving technology. Hence, technology is always a constant source of uncertainties. There have been risks, changes and in many cases disruptions. The main question of the current article is how artificial intelligence causes the evolution of human abilities in the field of national security policymaking? The central hypothesis is that considering that the use of large-scale analysis supports data analysis and managerial decision-making, the adoption of new technologies plays a vital role in decision-making at organizational levels. And someone plays a security role. In this article, by focusing on this question and hypothesis, the consequences of the use of artificial intelligence in the field of security will be considered.

This study, employing a qualitative method of thematic analysis based on upstream documents and in-depth interviews with experts, seeks to address the following question: "What were the non-armed approaches of the Islamic Republic of Iran in addressing terrorism in the province of Sistan and Baluchistan during the first fourteen decades of the Islamic Revolution?"  While unarmed approaches in counter-terrorism are often proactive and preemptive, they do not typically result in the complete physical dismantling of terrorist organizations. In the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran, non-armed and soft approaches to counter-terrorism function as "essential and effective facilitators" in advancing security and military strategies. Research findings emphasize that, among the spectrum of non-armed and soft approaches, only one-quarter of the governance strategies have involved a legal-judicial dimension, with the remaining approaches focusing on cultural-social aspects. Specifically, non-armed governmental approaches to countering terrorism in the Southeast have included policies and programs focused on maximizing security, addressing essential economic and livelihood needs of the population, emphasizing the ethical considerations of the conflict, adopting authoritative and responsible actions, and implementing measures that have promoted legitimacy and effectiveness.

This article examines artificial intelligence technology as a modern and challenging phenomenon over the past decade. This technology has had a significant impact on the economic, political, and socio-cultural life in many countries. In this review article by using the descriptive-analytical method, the authors strive to define artificial intelligence within modern scientific discourse and introduce two practical applications of AI technologies. They discuss the "practical mode", which is used for effective management and accident prevention in industrial machinery, medicine, transportation, construction, oil and gas industries, mining, the nuclear sector, and more. Additionally, they introduce "generative AI", which is used for translating large texts, predicting business processes, evaluating financial and commodity markets, assessing societal feedback to any economic, political, and social changes, mastering risk management, and more. The article also explores the main challenges and risks of AI for modern society, including the creation of fake narratives, information bubbles, saturation, and other manipulation tools employed by technocratic elites in their quest for dominance. The concentration and distribution of AI development centers in specific areas could lead to increased inequality and tension between the North and South regions. Controlling the AI domain to protect national interests and maintain modern international relations poses a fundamental challenge for political and economic groups, institutions, and society. Researchers attempt to make predictions about the impact on energy, which will intensify with increased energy consumption and competition over rare elements. This rapidly growing demand cannot be met by "clean energy", so the energy transition might be slowed down by AI. This research proposes international actions for control, risk assessment, and an in-depth analysis of AI's impact on the development of other sectors.