mohammad javad ranjkesh

The end of the Cold War has led to profound developments in the sphere of thought, in particular, political concepts such as the principle of non-interference in internal affairs, the principle of sovereignty and the protection of human rights. Since the early 1990s, states have controversially resorted to the use of armed force to stop the blatant violation of humanitarian and human rights, namely humanitarian intervention. Accordingly, this paper seeks to answer the question whether humanitarian intervention can be justifies on the basis of Aquinas's "just war" doctrine? The hypothesis of the present paper is that the thought of Aquinas intervention is not rejected and has some legitimacy based on concepts such as legitimate authority, just cause, true intention and the principle of proportionality of the intervention. Due to the changing nature of the conflict and the concept of "military humanitarianism", it analyzes the doctrine of Aquinas' legitimate war and examines the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention within the context of Aquinas's theory of war, and the current understanding of the moral, legal, and political conditions of war.

Traditional theories include diplomacy in the form of foreign policy softwares and defense as among the hard tools in this field. The concept of defense diplomacy, by questioning these traditional notions, is a central concept in the separation and separation of defense security from foreign policy. Defense diplomacy emphasizes that diplomacy can be used for a variety of purposes and against a variety of threats. Given that after the revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been exposed to various threats by regional and trans-regional countries, it is necessary to examine the mission and defense capability of the country. Given the position and role of the "leadership" in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Khamenei's statements on the typology of threats can be divided into two categories: soft and hard. With this in mind, the question arises as to the "congruence of the mission of defense diplomacy against soft threats in the words and writings of Ayatollah Khamenei." To answer this question, one must first look at the threat typology in the words and writings of the revolutionary leader and then assess its relation to the mission of defense diplomacy. The purpose of this study is to investigate the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei in terms of typology of threats and its comparison with the mission of the country's defense diplomacy. Semantic approaches are used to analyze the content of these works in order to discover and interpret the data. Semiotic approaches allow the researcher to interpret and present a floating meaning of words and writings.

Border diplomacy is one of the subsections of the topic of Para diplomacy (parallel diplomacy) which has been highlighted in recent decades in accordance with the increase in the link between geographical spaces and actors. The goal in preventing border diplomacy is to increase positive actions in the border area based on the local capacities of these spaces in order to improve the conditions of the border areas and their development. In order to achieve active diplomacy, in the first step, one must be able to know the parameters that affect them, and in the second step, one must be able to use them according to the time and place conditions, needs and approaches, and most importantly, based on their value for the connected actors; Based on this, the present research was conducted with a descriptive-analytical method based on library data and a questionnaire with Friedman's method, correlation and regression. Using Friedman's test, the parameters of 6 out of 10 dimensions have been investigated in the studied area. In the following, correlation and regression tests are used to show the degree and importance of the parameters, and the detailed results of each are fully mentioned in the research. It should be noted that border parameters have a direct and highly effective relationship with border diplomacy and play a significant role in the development and optimization of border spaces.

Urban diplomacy is one of the new concepts in the field of diplomacy. This concept refers to the presence of cities along with governments, NGOs, multinational corporations and international organizations as well as other international system actors in international interactions. Metropolises, as the largest human collections in the world, have a huge share in expanding and exploiting urban diplomacy. In other words, metropolitan cities can play a role in the field of diplomacy, in a coordinated manner with countries in this area. Hence, metropolitan areas such as Mashhad, with their unique geographical, religious, economic, cultural, and scientific and communication potential, are of great importance in Iran's diplomatic mobility and engagement with its counterparts and regional organizations such as the ECO. This paper seeks to answer the question that the potential and potential components of the metropolitan macro city role in the field of urban diplomacy, with a view to the geographic area of the ECO Economic Cooperation Organization, is that in Mashhad's opinion, and in a sense Khorasan has more natural, human, and semantic features than other cities in the ECO. The method used is a library and field method (questionnaire).

As we enter the 21st century, sports are becoming an essential part of the toolbox of a country’s public diplomacy. The aim of this study was at modeling of soft power implementation throughout sport diplomacy. This was a fundamental study, a qualitative one that held in survey. The statistical population included the international experts in the fields of public and sports diplomacy. By review of the literature, 200 experts were identified, and 30 experts were selected as sample using purposive sampling method. A semi-open researcher-made questionnaire was designed to collect the experts’ opinions. Fuzzy Delphi method was used for data analysis using Excel 2013 software. The results of two fuzzy Delphi round analyzes led to the confirmation of the model of soft power implementation throughout sport diplomacy. Hence, sports diplomacy resources were classified into three categories, including sporting events, sports human capitals, and sports producers and products. The conversion Tools of sports diplomacy resources to diplomatic outcomes were identified as official and sports diplomacy solidarity, competent cultural ambassadors, high performance, and mass media coverage. The outcomes of sport diplomacy endeavors were categorized into two groups of explicit/special outcomes and implicit/general outcomes. The main outcome of the implementation of sport diplomacy initiatives and plans is to create peace through the reduction/elimination of tension between hostile states/nations and the development of peace between friendly states/nations.

In the paleontology of the theory or school of realism, ،thomas Hobbes, Machiavelli, or in classical texts, the Indian Catilia, the Sean Dezoo school in China, and in Islamic thought, Ibn Muqaffa are generally cited. 1930 and 1940 followed the outbreak of the two great world wars. At a time when, following the failure of idealistic ideas to prevent wars and conflicts, the need for academic circles to have a new and fact-based perspective was felt. Correct realistic interpretations of Thomas Hobbes by rereading numerous works by Thomas Hobbes. This means that Hobbes is not as close to a realistic understanding of international relations as is often thought. Given Hobbes 'conception of man and the natural state, the formation of Leviathan, and the law of nature, it can be argued that Hobbes' understanding of international relations is not always conflicting and that there is a possibility of regulating conflicting interests, an interpretation that leads to unity and cooperation. In international relations. The idea of ​​this paper is that the result of Hobbes's writings is that Hobbes is not only a realist, but also a rationalist. The method of this writing is based on documentary and library methods and text analysis.

The goal of this research is to identify various aspects of Iranian foreign policy through discourse analysis. For this purpose, two outstanding periods in contemporary Iranian history have been considered. Foreign policy of Mohammad Mossadegh from 1320 to 1332 and foreign policy of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi from 1342 to 1357.The main question of this research is based on the similarities and discrepancies of the discourses of Muhammad Mossadegh (1330- 1330) and Pahlavi II (1352-1357) regarding the West in Iranian foreign policy. The hypothesis is also arranged in this way: It seems that the discursive nodes in the discourses of the approach to the West in each of the periods of Mohammad Mossadegh (1330- 1330) and Pahlavi II (1357-1942), By establishing their meanings, led to the exclusion and marginalization of other possible discourses in Iran's foreign policy. Based on this: a) Similarity of the discourses is to marginalize other discourses. (B) The discovery of these discourses is that: 1. during the prime minister's time, Mossadegh's nationalist discourse, which was based on the approach of independence to the West, was the basis of his foreign policy. 2. Mohammad Reza Shah's globalization discourse, based on a policy of similarity to the West, formed

The new conditions of the international system have contributed to the emergence of new components in the formal international structure. The emergence of new actors and the importance of finding people and NGOs in the world has led countries to use their tools and new ways to deliver their benefits, in addition to past practices; one of the most important of which is use of public diplomacy. The United States is one of the countries that benefiting from public diplomacy. Considering the ups and downs of the relations between Iran and the United States in different periods of time, and given the discursive rotation in Iran's foreign policy of deconstruction and confidence building with the outside world, during the government reform, views on Iran were changed and America tried to realize his goals and interests through the use of public diplomacy in Iran. Outstanding examples of diplomacy during this period include sending sports teams, issuing visas and facilitating student exchanges, and other scientific and cultural programs. Therefore, the main question of this study is that what are the advantages of the American public diplomacy approach in Iran during the reform period? The first idea is that Americans have shown a positive representation of their actions and the transformation of public culture in Iran during this period of liberal democracy and compared to previous periods, American diplomacy has become more unofficial, with the participation of non-state actors. Research method of this study is descriptive method using library resources.

Abstract The new conditions of the international system have contributed to the emergence of new components in the formal international structure. The emergence of new actors and the importance of finding people and NGOs in the world has led countries to use their tools and new ways to deliver their benefits, in addition to past practices, one of the most important of which can be exploited. Public diplomacy. The United States is one of the countries in the field of public diplomacy. Considering the ups and downs of the relations between Iran and the United States in different periods of time, and given the discursive rotation in Iran's foreign policy of deconstruction and confidence building with the outside world, during the government reform, views on Iran were changed and America He tried to realize his goals and interests through the use of public diplomacy in Iran. Outstanding examples of diplomacy during this period include sending sports teams, issuing visas and facilitating student exchanges, and other scientific and cultural programs. Therefore, the main question in this work is that what does the American approach to public diplomacy in Iran have in terms of reform? The first idea is that the Americans during this period of liberal democracy have shown a positive representation of American actions and the transformation of public culture in Iran, and American diplomacy has become more unofficial, with the participation of non-state actors, than in previous periods. Descriptive literature is used to explore the subject through library resources.

The globalization of the economy has had several effects on the internal affairs of societies and externalities, such as its governance. In the meantime, the role of the government as the only institution with high authority to respond to and adapt to external developments, has a special place. This adaptation sometimes has internal consequences on all institutions, arrangements and social classes in the economic, social and political spheres. The purpose of this article is to analyze the reactions of the Japanese government and feminist supporters to changes in political economy as well as patterns of family formation since the 1990s, given the common discourse between political economy and the family institution in Japan. The question of this article, therefore, is what is the relationship between the reconstruction of the political economy and the evolution of families and the gender roles of women in contemporary Japan since the 1990s? The hypothesis of the paper is that the reconstruction of political economy influenced by the developments of globalization has forced Japanese women to make a hasty leap from the Fordist model of family life to an idea of ​​individual self-reliance. The growth of women's egalitarian demands, the decline in marriage and birth rates, the weakening of the traditional family institution and, consequently, the need for government intervention in social and economic policies have been inevitable. The research method of this paper is descriptive-analytical and based on the collection of library and Internet documents.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1978 is a turning point in history and the beginning of a new era in the life of the Islamic government in the history of the Islamic world. One of the highlights of this dramatic development is the revival of pure divine-human concepts within the teachings of Islam. However, this revival, which is considered to have originated from the demands of the people, is not limited to the temporal / spatial bottlenecks of the Iranian society and has been reflected in other geographical / temporal frameworks due to its content / semantic richness. One of the theoretical formats that is a suitable explanatory power for the way of influencing and reflecting the excellent value aspects of the Iranian revolution on other Islamic / popular movements of other countries at different times, is the theory of structuralism and the concept of its dissemination. The present article tries to analyze the position of the logic of dissemination logic in the effectiveness of Islamic awakening movements from the Islamic Revolution of Iran with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the concepts and assumptions in the theory of constructivism. In fact, what the present paper believes is based on the concept of dissemination, the influence of Islamic awakening movements on the revolutionary, Islamic and Islamic concepts, values ​​and norms of Iran spontaneously and as a model of religious-Islamic government.

The structure of the post-Cold War international system is considered by some scholars to be a one-to-one / multipolar structure in which America is an unchallenged power, in which it is not possible to strike a traditional balance against the superpower alone. For this reason, the theory of soft balance was introduced to complement the theory of traditional power balance and to explain the civilian form of post-Cold War equilibrium, especially after the Iraq war, and the adoption of US unilateral and offensive policies and the inability of major opposition powers to detain the US. In fact, in the current situation with the US, soft balance is the deliberate coordination of diplomatic efforts to achieve results contrary to American preferences. The soft balance thus seeks to limit the ability of the United States to impose its preferences on others. The role of international organizations as a symbol of multilateralism vis-à-vis America in the post-Cold War era has increased due to the shift in the structure of the international system from bipolar to monopoly on the basis of US unilateralism. From this perspective, international and regional international organizations are seen as the means by which countries seek to peacefully balance the power of American hegemony. The question before the authors is that the role of international organizations in soft balance theory How is the post-Cold War power evaluated? The idea behind the answer is that, given the evolution of the concept of power and the mechanisms of power partitioning in the post-Cold War era, international regional and global organizations, along with other soft balance instruments, have different positions and functions. They are more popular than they used to be. This paper is a descriptive-analytical and data-gathering method with a soft power balance approach to query and paraphrase approach.

 

 Reitberger attributes the formation of international organizations to three "problem-centered", "cognitive", and "hegemonic" positions. Atheory is a general theory of all organizations, regardless of the type of membership, geographical area, governmental/nongovernmental, organizational function, and claims to explain the development of different types of organization, but it can be concluded by studying other types of international organizations. The difference that each of Rittberger's different levels of influence play has a major role in the nature, continuity, and the democratization of the relevant international organizations. The question in this article is to determine. What are the essential characteristics of the organization in the process of forming the Shanghai Cooperation Organization? In the answer to the new hypothesis It is true that all three Rittberger positions are influential in the formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, but because of the superiority of the role of "hegemonic position" and later "problematic position" over "cognitive positioning" of a transient, undemocratic nature over others. Organizations are predominantly cognitive based.

Review of Literature

In this respect, the existing works can be divided into two categories. First, textbooks on international organizations that deal more with the institutional-legal narrative, or, as Barkin puts it, institutionalized; In this context, works such as Musa Zadeh (1384), Ghafuri (1391), and Shirkhani (2014) are mentioned in the history and form of Shanghai under the introduction of major international organizations, mainly government.
There are also studies that have specifically examined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, including the book Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Perspective Towards a Multipolar World by Hamid Reza Anvari and Morteza Rahmani Movahed, or articles by Shafiee and Mahmoudi (2015), preacher (2010), Haj Yusefi and Alvand (Journal of Political Science 2008), Badiei, Sharifi Razavi and Mirahmadi (Practical Geography 1393), Kozegar College (Strategy 2009), Kolaee and Moradi (Politics Quarterly, 2009), Goodarzi (Central Eurasia), 2015 ), Bozorgi and Hosseini (Political and Economic Information, 2011), Rezaei and Salehi (Political Studies, 2010), Amini and Mousavi (Rahbord, 2013), Khalili and Zarei (Seasonal) International Organizations, 2013), Shahriari (Political Quarterly, 2009), Jurisprudence and Humanities (Political and Economic Information, 2011), Tabatabai (Strategy, 2011), Ezzati and Yazdanpanah (Geopolitical Quarterly 1386),); however, this paper is distinguished from the above in terms of the theoretical framework, question, and notion.
Reitberger cites three approaches or situations in explaining why international organizations have evolved. The hegemonic approach, according to which international organizations are nothing but the interests of the dominant power, and the hegemonic government has created international organizations to promote its interests and values ​​at the level of the international system or region. Problem-based, which sees the establishment of international organizations as a result of cooperation between member states to solve common problems and benefits from game theory and, ultimately, a cognitive approach that focuses on ideas and ideas rather than merely on material conditions and forces. Shared ideas emphasize the creation of international institutions that depend on a consensus of values ​​and norms.

The research method is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library and documentary. The analytical-descriptive approach used in this article is to interpret the data by gathering data related to the founding of the Shanghai organization and compare the three effective positions in establishing the aforementioned organization in order to confirm the research hypothesis.

As the findings of the study suggest, the formation of the Shanghai organization is more in line with the two hegemonic and problem-oriented situations than with the cognitive one. In interpreting this finding, it must be said that the organization relies heavily on the presence and essential role of its major founding states, China and Russia. Therefore, the optimal functioning of the Shanghai Organization cannot be imagined without the serious and effective role of China and Russia. In other respects, the emergence of the Shanghai Organization is due to the existence of a number of needs, concerns, and issues common to member states that they alone cannot satisfy. Confrontation or soft balances with the United States, territorial and border disputes, business issues Finance, energy and countering the threat of terrorism are all caused by the post-Cold War atmosphere that dominates international relations. Obviously, addressing the needs and concerns of governments on any of these issues will lead to a change in the nature and effectiveness of the organization.

 Ritterberger's three positions are true in the formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, but this influence has been accompanied by an uneven weight and role. In fact, these three situations have not been equally effective. In general, it can be concluded that most international organizations arise out of the need or concern of the member states. Therefore, the problematic situation in the development of organizations is inevitable. However, the role of the state or governments of the global or regional hegemony and the political structure and structure of these states / states will have a profound effect on the nature of organizations.

Globalization is an integrative force that unifies the global society. On the one hand, this integrated form is an economic phenomenon which includes capital flow, transfer of technology and trade of goods and services. On the other hand, it has a non-economic nature that includes development of ideas, norms and values. From a genealogical point of view, globalization has its roots in liberalism. Facing other rivals or other intellectual partners and varied geographical regions, it has different effects and consequences. If the period of cold war and bipolar system was of contradicted ideologies, nowadays with the ruling of liberal thought and institutions, it is hard to talk about other alternatives. Meanwhile, the world of Islam and specially our country, Iran, is encountering different forms of the dominant atmosphere affected by a liberal economic globalization. It is using strategies such as countering, adoption, denying or nativization of globalization. The main question is that can we speak of Islamic models of growth and development in respect of privilege of globalization in different aspects (such as economics), its promotion by capitalistic institutions on the one hand, and countries' practical experiment in adoption and exclusion of its principles, on the other hand? We should also note that there are basic differences between Islam and liberalism in epistemological and ontological dimensions.

The questions of the nature of the Western civilization and the way to confront it have been among important questions for Muslim politicians and thinkers, in the last two centu-ries. In this research, Ayatollah Motahari’s views on the West and the way to deal with it are studied. The main questions in this paper are: can Islamic and Western civilizations bor-row from each other intellectually and is there any limitation in such a borrowing, from Motahari’s view? While he argues that the West’s borrowings from the Islamic civilisation played an important role in the formation of the modern Western civilisation, he believes that the latter suffers from many weaknesses, which are related to its philosophical founda-tions and can also be seen in its political thought and practice. Motahari sees colonialism as the darkest point in the process of exchange between the West and Muslim societies. In principle, he is pessimist about the Western civilisation, though acknowledges its achieve-ments in some aspects such as science and technology and even in the promotion of justice. He does not refute Muslims’ adoption from the West, but renounces any attempt at dissolv-ing Islamic identity within the Western civilisation or following the latter’s deficiencies. He does not see the civilisation as a package that must be adopted or rejected as a whole, nor does he see it an integrated civilization with no differentiation between its constituent soci-eties.

Tourism, after the automotive industry, petroleum and chemical products, is the fourth largest global manufacturing and manufacturing industry. Unlike its rivals, the company is classified as a "service." Countries are involved in creating or introducing tourist attractions and attracting tourism to agents. It depends on many. Iran, according to the UNESCO World Statistics Organization, is among the top ten countries in terms of tourism assets. However, the share of our country in attracting tourists and the resulting revenues has a significant difference with the potential of this area, which has many obstacles and challenges. This paper states that one of the main obstacles and threats to tourism in Iran is the representation of Iran's image in the minds and perception of tourists from Iran as a tourist destination due to the structural conflicts of Iran's foreign policy with the hegemony world. Therefore, the need for reform and reconstruction this image is constructed using available tools, a precondition for facilitating the attraction of tourists in our country, especially the Persian Gulf. This paper tries to validate the proposed idea by using the documentary and librarian method and discourse-perception approach.

The first object of UN ,ON THE BASE OF ITS CHARTER, IS KEEP and save of international pease and security and preemption from global pease and security threats. the security council of UN is direct responsible for above objects.the on of the most important hssue of international society is spread of terrorism in around the world.

The collapse of the Soviet Union had unpredicted effects on its neighboring regions such as Central Asia. These conditions provided a situation for the powers such as United States and Russia to have a greater influence on Central Asia, and also to fill the absence of the power found by the collapse of Soviet Union. After September 11, 2001, United States of America, following the strategy of preventive action centered on the fight against terrorism and the threat of weapons of mass destruction, tried to have more direct influence on Central Asia. On the other hand, Russia, concerned about the risk to their relative position in the area, after a brief period of cooperation with the United States of America in the fight against terrorism, tried to stop United States from acting unilaterally in its own traditional sphere of influence. Accordingly, the authors try to analyze the effects of competition between United States and Russia on regional convergence and divergence of central Asia (after September 11, 2001) using the theories of Cantori and Spiegel. The research hypothesis is that the competition between the two powers in the area is responsible for the countries of Central Asia to tend toward one of these two powers for solving their problems and this delayed the formation of convergent regional agreements in Central Asia.

This article investigates the cultural diplomacy of the United States towards china post 9/11. The cultural diplomacy has been growing in importance in the US foreign policy due to the increasing development of communicational tools and technology as well as the September 11 attacks. The US government used a variety of tools in the context of its cultural diplomacy to restore its soft power and deliver an ideal picture of itself. As the United State's soft power and reputation in china, its greatest trade partner, had declined after the September 11 attacks and Afghanistan and Iraq invasions in 2001 and 2003, respectively, it tried to compensate its own reputation in that country. Accordingly, the present study tries to examine the concept, background, methods and approaches of United State's cultural diplomacy during 2001-2012. In this regard, we are to answer this main question that "what components do constitute the United State's cultural diplomacy structure?" The hypothesis of this paper focuses on three components. These three components are: Fast food industry in terms of two McDonald and KFC brands; promoting culture and values through English Language learning; Hollywoodism which is referred to as the Hollywood's strategy to secure the United State's national interests and disseminate the American way of life; The descriptive-analytic method has been applied in this paper. This research approach is based on the concept of public diplomacy and its subcomponents namely the cultural diplomacy, because the cultural diplomacy is one of the main components of public diplomacy. Results show that the public diplomacy and, in particular, cultural diplomacy had grown in importance after the September 11 attacks, so that US used cultural diplomacy tools to restore its reputation in global public opinion especially Chinese people. The above mentioned three components had a linchpin role in implementing cultural diplomacy in the United State's foreign policy towards china, because they didnt have an importance place in the US foreign policy before the September 11 attacks. September 11 events are among the main requirements of the international system the turned the way of using soft power by the United States upside down.

Dignity of a nation is a function of national power and the image of that country in world opinion. This image can be a function of hardware and military power in the range of low or high power or as a function of the software and may be considered as a brand. Hardware power before the Cold War had a significant role in international relations. Coincides with the end of the Cold War (1991), technological developments and the revolution in communications and information as well as the process of globalization and developments in the field of diplomacy and international politics in 21st century Led to new elements such as satellite channels, sports, culture, technology, tourism, international relations, internet that create developments sources. The emergence of these new elements will lead to a new definition of the power called “soft power”. Soft power is more than an instrument for great power, its used as a important factor in politics of small and medium countries that help them to protect themselves from internal and external factors. So Qatar as a small and vulnerable country used foreign support and used software like media, sport, economy, education, tourism and etc. to find and increase its prestige in the world.

With the expression of the modernization theory as the dominant paradigm of development during the 1950s, approaches towards development were extracted from this paradigm. But with the birth of the attachment school of thought, the modernization theory was scrutinized. For Latin American countries however, the attachment school of thought was considered a Marxist ideology up until the end of the Cold War. Towards the end of the Cold War, and with the changes that took place in the international system, Marxist visions, including the attachment school of thought were also scrutinized due to a lack of resources. Latin American countries were able to distance themselves from the attachment system, and instead establish proper relations with advanced countries that helped their development. The aim of this study is examine and criticize common visions regarding the development of Latin American countries after the Cold War era. According to the findings in this paper, Latin American countries are advancing towards growth and development through their approaches to structural and institutional globalization of economics.

Borders are proved as one of the main and fundamental concepts in the field of political geography. The importance of this aspect is so that, the interest of study and research has had impressive growth in comparison with previous decades. As regards, studies show that, there are lack of attention about the representation of the model or the theory from philosophers and connoisseurs in the mentioned field. Hence, the main objective of this study is to evaluate and criticize the previous investigations about the border, in order to establish structural and agent relation within four main factors as, 1) market forces and trade flows, 2) policies correlate with multiple level of government about adjacent borders, 3) special political influence of marginal communities and 4)special culture of frontier communities, using the theory of structural seems and approach of structure-broker, whereby a model and framework are presented in order to understand more precise about the border phenomenon. The main ratiocination of the current study is that, consequence of this four main factors result in convergence of border from the point of cultural aspects if they reinforce or improve themselves. Regarding to the development of epistemological and methodological aspect in the field of science and especially at humanities and social science, study of border phenomenon only in the view of geographical/traditional is not sufficient and it isrequired to utilize moderate theories such as constructivism approaches in which it include elements such as political, cultural and economic factors.

Niche diplomacy helps countries to get much better results by focusing their resources on specific areas. For this reason, many small countries due to insufficient resources to build their power needed for the national interests turn to use Niche diplomacy to concentrate their resources in areas that have advantage of becoming a brand. Brand is client’s best idea about a product. National brand is image which includes both positive and negative concepts that is made in the minds of international community. Qatar is one of the small countries of the Persian Gulf that have vulnerability against internal and external threats and have not enough hardware resources to achieve its own security. Thus, software factors are more notable in its foreign policy. Qatar have become a brand in mediation, media and sport diplomacy by focusing its resources in Niche diplomacy and offer a good image of itself in international system. In fact, this good image is reason for creating security for Qatar.

Although the international relations theories Stand on some special trans-theoretical bases, but the bases are deferent from one to another theory which Islamic theory is among one of them meaning that its trans-theoretical bases are deferent from the others, given that by descriptive-analyzing method, the paper seeks to cast light on the relationship between Islam and the trans-theoretical bases of the international relation and then elucidate it in Islam, so the most significant fruit of the article is introducing the Islamic culture as the most essential framework to shape the trans-theoretical angles of international relation in the Islamic discourse.