alireza samiee esfahani

 The media in general and in recent years the virtual space has been significantly exploited by Salafi Jihadi-Takfiri movements. These extremist groups, due to their high pragmatism regarding the surrounding realities, have always used the most up-to-date media and artistic methods to spread their message globally. The present study, with a comparative look at the role of media and cyberspace in disseminating the discourse of the three generations of Salafi Jihadi-Takfiri groups, seeks to answer the main question of how the three generations of Salafi Jihadi-Takfiri groups use the media and cyberspace to disseminate their discourse. Have you used them to make selfie subjects? The findings of the research show that the use of the media in the first and second generation is much less than the third generation, and ISIS, as the third generation of Salafi Jihadi-Takfiri group, has been more successful in using the media and virtual space than its counterparts. . The effectiveness of these media for this group has been as a "weapon" in "asymmetrical battles" and in line with propaganda to spread the basics of the Salafi Jihadi Takfiri discourse, invitation to the war fronts and recruiting members to carry out suicide operations

 Today, the world is facing crises such as forced displacement, displacement, asylum and asylum seeking. The destination of these refugees or forced immigrants are developed countries and mostly European countries, therefore Europe is in the midst of a "democratic crisis" from the point of view of citizenship and human rights. According to Giorgio Agamben, this crisis can be considered as a sign of "death of citizenship" for the subjects in the "exceptional" situation and "bare life". During the last decade, events such as the Arab revolutions in 2011, the emergence of ISIS and extremist militant groups, sectarianism, civil and proxy wars in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, as well as the rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan, are the main reasons for forced migration. A part of the population of the Middle East region has been to the European continent. The main question of this article is that; "Why and how have the policies and positions of European countries towards the Middle East refugees led to the formation of the refugee crisis in these countries in recent years?" Based on the fundamental concepts of Agamben's thought, the findings of the research show that the target countries of asylum seekers in the European Union, by placing the asylum seekers in a "camp" situation (bare life and exceptional status), mainly as "homosacres" or beings "without rights" ", "landless" and "marginalized", a situation that practically means the end of citizenship rights, the end of human rights and humanitarian aid

way that fighting it for the current generation and the international system; It has become a "natural" thing that should always be dealt with at any level and direction, this thinking has of course been popularized by the intellectual and political circles of "America" ​​and has been instilled as an undeniable "truth" to everyone. U.S.A has taken advantage of all its theoretical and practical possibilities, including discoursive, conceptual, economic, media, military… mechanisms.to convince the world that it has the upper hand in the fight against terrorism and that it is even possible to fight the basic principles of international law in the fight against this phenomenon. Therefore, by resorting to the facilities available to him, he has been able to form domination and subjugation and, in Foucault's terms, a disciplinary society. The current research seeks to analyze this domination and control with regard to the historicity of the events with Foucault's genealogical method. According to the stages of Foucault's genealogy, the present article comes to the conclusion that the "fight against terrorism" as claimed by the United States, was not so benevolent and did not aim at peace, but it is still possible to trace the interests of the United States and its hegemony in this policy. Found. Discontinuities and analysis of the origin and strength of the American foreign policy in the study of the fight against terrorism show that the United States has created the terrorist as "otherness" to build its new nature.

On August 15, 2021, in a strategic shock, the Taliban entered Kabul to seize power after a cascading crisis triggered by the Western military withdrawal and the reluctance of the Afghan government and its national security forces to engage in military conflict. The question arises as to where the roots of this unexpected political event lie. At the beginning of the 21st century, the September 11 attacks and the American government’s decisive analysis of the Taliban’s role set the stage for a military invasion led by an international coalition. Under U.S. leadership, Afghanistan became the frontline for implementing the strategy of war against terrorism. However, America’s sustained involvement in Afghanistan cannot be understood simply as an effort to eliminate Al-Qaeda terrorist groups. This objective appeared to be of secondary importance to the coalition forces, particularly the United States. The primary focus of their policies was the establishment of political and social stability within Afghan society. American security theorists believed that terrorism was a consequence of bankrupt governments and the social environment, which they saw as manifestations of chaos that had persisted for years. As a result, state-building in Afghanistan became a key focus of U.S. security policy. With the support of other nations and various international organizations, the United States pursued a policy aimed at forming a powerful government and a stable society in Afghanistan. This effort involved several steps, including drafting the constitution, holding presidential and parliamentary elections, building political institutions, and granting political and social freedoms to civil society institutions and political activists. The Karzai administration even invited the Taliban to join the government and renounce violence in hopes of establishing political stability and forming an inclusive government. The 2014 presidential election was therefore expected to be an important opportunity for the institutionalizing of a democratic government and the peaceful transfer of power in Afghanistan. However, many successive crises in Afghanistan seem to stem from the limitations and obstacles of the international state-building project. The governments have struggled to incorporate all political factions and effectively manage conflicts. Both the Karzai and Ghani administrations faced growing political and social instability and significant crises (e.g., crises of authority, influence, and legitimacy), ultimately losing the support of the Afghan people.After nearly two decades of democratization rhetoric supporting the international state-building initiative in Afghanistan, the modern state and democracy, with their inherent positive attributes, have yet to take root among the Afghan people. Moreover, political security and stability has remained elusive, becoming a rare and expensive commodity for both the elites and the general populace. In this respect, the present study aims to address the central question of what led to the failure of the political reconciliation process and the subsequent re-establishment of Taliban control in Afghanistan in August 2021. The research is based on the hypothesis that this political failure primarily stemmed from the unique nature of the international state-building project in Afghanistan. For the process of political settlement and the successful advancement of the state-building project to be effective, stability must be achieved on two levels: 1) horizontal stability and 2) vertical stability. To address the research question, the article first examined the political settlement among the elite and statesmen (horizontal stability), and then explored the legitimacy of the new political order within various segments of Afghan society (vertical stability).

The current study relied on a qualitative, causal-explanatory approach, as well as the data collected from library and internet sources. Following a pathological perspective, the research used a theoretical framework based on state-building and political stability to examine the Western efforts in state-building and political reconciliation in Afghanistan. It also sought to identify the reasons behind the failure of these policies, which ultimately led to the Taliban’s return to power within Afghanistan’s complex sociopolitical landscape during the period of 2014–2021.

According to the theoretical framework of state-building and political stability, Afghanistan’s National Unity Government can be considered a point of weakness in the country’s state-building process. The National Unity Government consistently failed to control power centers, both directly and indirectly and was unable to establish its authority and legitimacy in dealing with these centrifugal forces. Formed with external support through a political agreement brokered by the United States, the government was a temporary solution intended to address the crisis through a short-term coalition. However, it faced numerous challenges, including internal political divisions, increasing financial dependence on foreign countries (particularly the U.S.), failed peace talks with the Taliban, a rise in suicide operations, the Afghan National Army’s inability to counter the Taliban and establish security, administrative corruption, and political and economic crises. These issues severely undermined the legitimacy and authority of Ashraf Ghani’s administration, making it increasingly fragile and unable to provide the necessary political stability during the transition period. According to the theoretical model, for the process of political settlement and the successful advancement of the state-building project to be effective, stability must be achieved on two levels: 1) horizontal stability characterized by political agreements, officials’ respect for their obligations, and adherence to the rules of the political game; and 2) vertical stability referring to the constructive and mutual interaction between the government and society, including the domestic legitimacy of the government and non-interference of external forces. In Afghanistan, however, the international state-building efforts led by the Western alliance failed to establish the necessary consensus at both the horizontal and vertical levels.

The current study aimed to address the central question of what led to the failure of the political reconciliation process and the subsequent re-establishment of Taliban control in Afghanistan in August 2021. In the international war against terrorism, fragile states like Afghanistan became the focus of Western security discourse, leading to the proposal of international state-building through the theory of liberal peace as a solution to create political stability and a powerful central government in the country. This approach shaped the Western agenda in Afghanistan. However, nearly two decades later, the international state-building project failed to deliver the expected outcomes for both Afghan society and the international community. This article argued that the failure of national reconciliation and the peaceful political transition over the past two decades—especially after 2014—stems largely from the nature of the international state-building project. This project imposed a linear, mechanical, supranational–subordinate approach to state-building and political stability, failing to account for the internal dynamics and unique logic of intervened societies like Afghanistan. Therefore, the international state-building project struggled, as the liberal values of the West would contradict the traditional sociopolitical context of Afghan society. This fueled corruption, inefficiency, and the weakness of the quasi-government, which was heavily reliant on foreign support.  Ultimately, the Taliban unexpectedly capitalized on anti-American sentiment among Afghans and regained power, plunging Afghanistan’s peaceful political transition into deep uncertainty.

The foregoing research is to investigate What approach the Zionist regime has taken after the October 7th, 2023 events against “hamas” and in general Palestinians living in Gaza.
the Research is based on qualitative, interpretive method, and for data collection is used library resources and articles and scientific analysis of cyberspace databases.
Using Foucault, Schmidt and Giorgio Agambens’ theoretical concepts about the mechanisms of social control based on biopolitical and thanatopolitic approach; The findings show that the Zionist regime has been trying to do in recent months, given the lack of existential legitimacy and subsequent threats perceived by Palestinian resistance groups to its ontological security or historical existence, in the form of a thanatopolitic approach, redefine and reproduce the rule of "exception", and strategies such as; Othering (inhumanization, animalization) and securitization of space, location and identity, has led the people of Gaza as "Homosacer" or an inverted subject of biopolitics in "Bare life" (the position of death and elimination, and at best, in a minimal form of life); the subjects based on the regulations and orders issued by the Zionist regime's repressive Aparatus in exception; the daily forms of repression and, according to Agamben, are exposed to victimization and elimination without punishment.
The result of this study based on the latest Palestinian survey shows that despite the intensity and extent of the thanatopolitic mechanism employed by the Zionist regime towards the Gaza people and the many calamities that have suffered during the recent war, the Palestinian people, especialy Gaza strip, while supporting hamas, continue to adhere to the original aspirations of the “Resistance groups” as well as the sovereignty of the Palestinian people over the occupied territories.

The rise of the populist radical-right parties (PRRP) stands out as one of the most significant developments in Western democracies over the past two decades. This trend, seen as a challenging sign within democracy but against liberal democracy, highlights the mounting pressure faced by Western political regimes from forces and groups that diverge from the dominant political currents of the last two decades. More specifically, one of the trends in various regions of the EU is the fact that voters, disillusioned by traditional (EU) politics, are turning towards populist and extreme parties both on the left and the right. In this respect, the current research aims to address the question: What were the causes and underlying factors contributing to the rise of radical right parties to power in Europe over the last two decades?

Literature Review:

In Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cas Mudde (2007) delved into the ideology of PRRPs. He identifies three core tenets, namely nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism, contending that PRRPs are not passive entities; rather, they are engaged in actively shaping their destiny within contemporary Western societies. In the article “Economic Insecurity and Demand of Populism in Europe,” Guiso et al. (2022) relied on the approach based on demand of populism to argue that market as well as government inefficiencies in providing security have eroded citizen trust in traditional political parties and institutions. The escalating threats of immigration and globalization have further heightened desperation and fear, contributing to the intensified demand for populist policies. Guiso et al. (2022) explain how this dual crisis, reflected in economic insecurity, systematically influences the demand for populism. In “Conditions Favouring Parties of the Extreme Right in Western Europe,” Jackman and Volpert (2017) conducted a comprehensive examination of systemic conditions influencing the electoral success of extreme right-wing parties in 16 Western European countries between 1970 and 1990. They concluded that factors such as the electoral system, party structure, and higher unemployment rates created a conducive environment for the emergence of such political movements. In addition, Dehshiri and Ghasemi (2015), in their article titled “Fourfold Crises and the Rise of the Radical Right in Europe,” posit that the four crises (i.e., resource distribution, representation, identity, and immigration) played an undeniable role in shaping the radical right movement in Europe.The review of the literature shows different vantage points used to examine the causes, contexts, and consequences of the rise of radical right parties to power. There is a focus on particular aspects such as the electoral system, party structure, identity, and immigration. The novelty of the present research lies in its comprehensive approach based on supply and demand of populism, which explores a combination of socio-economic and political motivations and variables that impact the rise of radical right parties in European countries.

The present research used the supply and demand of populism as the framework to conduct a bottom-up and top-down analysis of the rise of radical right parties in Europe during 2008–2018.

Using the supply and demand of populism, the research can shed light on different dimensions of the rise of PRRPs in Europe during 2008–2018. On the demand side of populism, the ineffectiveness of governments in managing the financial crisis—often marked by cost reduction, tax increases, and rising unemployment—created the fertile ground for populist tendencies, including anti-immigrant sentiment, xenophobia, Euroscepticism, and nationalism. Meanwhile, the influx of immigrants into Europe, coupled with the adoption of multiculturalism in sociocultural spheres and globalization in the economic realm, could have contributed to the emergence and resurgence of radical right parties. On the supply side of populism, institutional mechanisms and political strategies (e.g., the nature of the electoral system, party ideologies, organizational structures of parties, and party leadership), alongside the influence of messages, rhetoric, and media propaganda, further laid the ground for the rise of radical right parties to power.

Relying on the supply and demand of populism as the framework, the present research demonstrated that economic and sociocultural demands and dissatisfactions on the demand side (bottom-up approach), coupled with the political and institutional strategies and mechanisms employed by populist statesmen and parties on the supply side of populism (top-down approach), prompted European voters to turn towards radical right leaders and parties. These conditions could foster the political mobilization of citizens by these parties, ultimately resulting in their rise to power, particularly between 2008 and 2018. Following the disorders such as the 2008 economic crisis, the 2014 terrorist crisis, the immigration crisis after 2015, and the ensuing sociocultural dissatisfaction, populist parties and leaders capitalized on the political opportunities available in the populism market, emerging as key players in the political arena. Concerning the supply of populism, radical right parties successfully provided the narratives necessary for political mobilization around shared concerns. They attracted the majority of votes by leveraging legal and institutional mechanisms (such as elections, media, and the unique leadership capabilities), ultimately securing political power.

Saudi Arabia is one of the most important ideological states in the Middle East region, and the Wahhabi sect has played a large role in the process of forming and continuing its political life; As the main base and refuge of the Salafis, it has always played a major role in the production and reproduction of a regional and extra-regional jihadist discourse. The present research seeks to answer the key question of how “the political” is formulated in the government discourse of Saudi Arabia and what effect has this formulation had on the foreign policy approach of this country in the region (during the years 2011-2017)? The hypothesis tested by the research is that “based on the political discourse ruling the Saudi Arabian regime (with the central signifier of Sunni Wahhabi Islam), Saudi Arabia's reading of the concept of “the political” is Antagonistic/hostility (based on friend/enemy). Therefore, the reproduction of this approach in the field of foreign policy made this country put the policy of eliminating "others" (including the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Islamic movements supported by this country) at the top of its priorities. This, in turn, has fueled the formation and strengthening of radical Salafi-Jihad groups and the spread of political violence in the region”. For testing and explaining the Main Variables of the Research, Carl Schmitt's Theory of the Concept of the Political and Laclau and Mouffe's Discourse Analysis Method have been used.

The main goal of the current research is to compare the indicators of consolidation and stabilization of democracy during the presidency of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani based on the modernization theory of Martin Lipsett and Larry Diamond. What has been questioned in the current research is what role did the governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran play in consolidating and stabilizing the elements and indicators of democracy between 1384 and 1400? In order to achieve the desired and worthy result, key and important indicators such as urbanization, industrialization, public education, inflation, foreign investment, housing, employment, parties and non-governmental organizations were selected and evaluated in the mentioned period. The findings of the research show that in some indicators, such as the category of housing and job creation, the government of Ahmadinejad has been more successful; And in some others like; Attracting foreign investment, forming parties and establishing non-governmental organizations, Rouhani's government has performed better, and in the field of indicators such as inflation control, urbanization process, industrialization and public education, the actions of both governments have been close to each other. The research method is a qualitative type of causal explanation.

The main goal of this article is to investigate the impact of the structure of the international system on the nationalization movement of the oil industry. This means that the political developments in any society, especially the Iranian society, which is directly related to the international system and colonialism, are often influenced by the policies and goals of different countries. Therefore, the rise and fall of governments, especially during the Pahlavi era, were often related to the policies and goals of the world's colonial powers. Among others, we can mention the role of America, Soviet Union and England. One of these important developments that has left a significant impact is the nationalization of the oil industry For this reason, the current research is trying to address the question of how the developments of the international system, including the colonial competition of the Soviet Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom, have affected the issue of the nationalization of the oil industry in Iran. The effect of this variable on the results and achievement of the movement in question has been mostly negative and inhibiting, and although in the short term and in the initial stages of this movement, it had a facilitating process to some extent, but in the later stages, it has created serious obstacles on the way to achieving the goals of this movement.

The literary works of Muhammad Iqbal Lahori have made him famous as poet. However, in the philosophical book of "Revival of Civilization", aims way to rebuild Islamic civilization and prevent further decline of Muslims, he appears in the role of a philosopher and theoretician. The main goal of the current research is to evaluate the intellectual legacy of Muhammad Iqbal Lahori as a religious thinker, using the "Common World" methodology.The main question of the research is how Iqbal Lahori was able to create a "common world" in realm field opinions, where which all groups various different political-intellectual assert declare their presence and exchange opinions and peacefully manner.The findings of the research, based on the theory and methodology of Eric Voegelin, show that the two worlds of tradition and modernity have influenced the transformation of Iqbal's opinions and thoughts. After traversing a long path, his thoughts have taken shape in the form of an intermediate space. The "Common World" plan will be implemented. However, it should also be noted that although Iqbal's thoughts have the potential to create a common world, the starting point of his discussion, like that of other religious intellectuals, is not the sphere of politics; rather, it transitions into the realm of politics from philosophy. A review of the existing literature reveals a lack of independent research in this field in the Persian language. The research method is based on Eric Voegelin's "Common World" methodology, and the data collection method is "library and documents."

The main purpose; Political vision and social context are affected by each other and are formed in mutual connection, hence political knowledge sometimes appears as a structure and sometimes as an agent against the social context. The main goal of the upcoming research is to investigate the type of relationship between the social structure of Iranian society and the political vision of the Shiite clergy and its impact on their model of activism during the Pahlavi era until the Islamic revolution.Research method; the mehtod of research is Qualitative type of causal explanation and the method of data collection is library as well as the use of scientific resources of virtual databases. Anthony Giddens' structure-agent theory and Pierre Bourdieu's theory have also been used to explain the issue.findings; The research shows that there is a flexible relationship between the political knowledge of Shia clerics and social factors in this period, and according to the set of actions of Shia clergy and also the change of social and political factors, the political vision of Shia jurists has changed from political isolation and political abstinence to Participation and political leadership have fluctuated.Conclusion; Influenced by the social conditions and the beliefs of activists such as Ayatollah Boroujerdi, the vision of the Shiite clergy, as an agent against the social environment as a structure, has adopted an attitude of avoiding politics, and with the emergence of Imam Khomeini (RA), the (agent) of the political vision of dignified clergy The foundation has been broken and shaped by the environment and social factors as a structure, and as a result, the political vision of the Shia clergy has taken on the character of participation.

The Middle East is a sensitive and strategic region that has been the center of regional disputes and conflicts after the Second World War and especially in the last few decades. One of the main players and an important pole in this region is Iran, which tries to strengthen its deterrence against foreign interventionist powers, especially the United States and its regional allies, by establishing friendship with some actors or countries in the Middle East. - Increase them, especially Israel. Lebanon's Hezbollah is an actor with which Iran's JPA has made a friendship plan and is cooperating with it to achieve this goal. Did Hezbollah analyze Lebanon based on the balance of power theory? With special measures such as strengthening the Shiite identity in the cultural field, striving for a greater share of power in the political field, and optimizing the citizenship status in the social field, Iran has made a significant contribution to the growth and progress and success of the Lebanese Shiites, especially the Hezbollah movement., had. The findings of the research show that if an actor like Hezbollah did not exist alongside Iran in the axis of resistance, Iran would now be in a much tougher and more difficult situation to deal with the threats of Israel, America and its Western allies, as well as He was faced with the conservative countries of his alliance, which are located in the conservative axis. The current research is analytical-descriptive and the method of collecting library-documentary information.

The main goal of the upcoming research is to analyze and read a piece of the history of "dominance and change" in Iran in the two decades of 1340 and 1350 AD, which in practice can be said to be a representation or a comprehensive mirror of the totality of state-society relations in the history of Iran. It is contemporary. Investigating the capacity of enforcing “Social control” and finally the ability and will of "social transformation" and the obstacles facing it, based on the theory of “limited State” or government within society" Jul. S. Migdal, is at the center of the discussion of this article. According to Migdal, in order to have a correct and accurate understanding of the government in the third world, one must avoid the transcendental approach and the myth of the "perfect" government desired by the statists, which puts the government in front of the society and is based on the algebraic zero-sum game between the government and society is, he avoided and paid attention to the approach of the government is a part or a piece of society. In clearer words, this view requires changing the focus of analysis from the government as an independent bureaucratic organization (structural view) to a "process oriented" view of the government in society. With this description, the main question of the research is why the politics of Mohammadreza Shah Pahlavi's social transformation in the form of the White Revolution (in the 40's and 50's) did not reach the desired result and finally the second Pahlavi faced a crisis of dominance? The findings of the research show that despite having a relatively high level of social control, the second Pahlavi government could not provide a more attractive and efficient survival strategy for the social forces and the necessary resources to support to mobilize the desired social transformation policy, therefore, it inevitably turned to the survival policy.

With eight years of political and social presence in the country, with the advent of the Ahmadinejad government and the unification of the state system, the reform process has become virtually marginalized and less active. With the 11th presidential election, the faction stepped out of the lock of defense and began planning and policy-making to regain power. The main question of the research is that; how do reformists view politics and power after the 1988 presidential election? And what are the social consequences of this approach? The research findings show that after the 1988 election, the reform movement first tried to pave the way for it to enter power in the form of a policy of "coalition and strategic partnership" with the moderate current, so that they could continue to influence Maintain the socio-political structure of the country. However, the poor performance of Rouhani's government on various issues, on the one hand, and the inability of the reformists themselves to make good use of their political and social capital in the field of power, led to the reform process in addition to losing its hegemony and political capital in the 1980s. , Practically face the decline of social acceptance and loss of social capital in the 90's.

the main purpose of the article from a comparative perspective is to analyze the factors affecting the differences between the political positions of Ayatollah Boroujerdi and Imam Khomeini (RA) based on the hermeneutic method and the conceptual model of Emilio Betty. Emilio Betty is one of the thinkers in the field of hermeneutics. In order to discover the intentions and understand why political positions and political thoughts of thinkers, it is necessary to study the environmental-ideological contexts and the texts issued by them. Therefore, the main question of the present study is: "What contexts and factors have influenced the political stance of Ayatollah Boroujerdi and Imam Khomeini (ra) on the political issue?" The results of the study show that the contexts of family growth, living environment, educational backgrounds, type of understanding of religious sciences, environmental-ideological environment and different readings of the danger of groups such as Baha'is and Marxists are among the factors that type And the way of political activity has made these two religious thinkers different. On the one hand, Ayatollah Boroujerdi, by adopting a scientific approach and prioritizing cultural struggles, avoided practical entry into politics, and on the other hand, Imam Khomeini, influenced by the issues raised, not only considered practical entry into political affairs necessary. Who considered the struggle for the formation of an Islamic government under the command of Velayat-e-Faqih necessary.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the quantitative and qualitative content of the Nowruz speeches and speeches of the Supreme Leader of Iran between 2015-2020 in order to identify the basic problems of the country and provide solutions to solve them.

The method used in the research is a combined approach of quantitative and qualitative content analysis. Unit of analysis was the sentence and selection method were done by the whole number and purposeful sampling. In the next step, for data analysis, by Glaser and Strauss method, many sentences and the most commonly used words are coded and described as "semantic units" and finally the desired meanings are discovered and interpreted.

The research findings show that in the five years, along with other issues and topics related to cultural, political, and foreign policy areas, the main focus of the Supreme Leader's discussions (according to the meanings and strategies derived from the speech) at the beginning of each year has always been economic issues.

Considering the frequency and intensity of words related to the field of economy in the Supreme Leader's Nowruz speeches during 2015-2020, it can be concluded that economic issues are at the forefront of the country's problems. Therefore, attention to the foundations of the domestic economy, economic localization, and economic intelligence are among the strategies to deal with economic sanctions that should be considered in long-term policies and macro goals of the country.

The main question of the present article is that what effect did the structure of the international system in the Cold War era have on the state-building process in Iran during the second Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is that the characteristics of the structure of the international system in the Cold War era, caused the second Pahlavi in order to maintain the existence of the country and the survival of his regime, seeking security in the form of alliance and coalition on the agenda. Iran's foreign policy, in other words, because of the strong military aspect of security during the Cold War on the one hand and the regime's lack of legitimacy and dependence on the United States after the 1953 coup, on the other hand, "national security" is mostly narrow. "Government security" or "regime security" was defined, and as a result, the state-building project in the second Pahlavi era deviated from its original path and took a military-security direction. To explain this issue, a combination of structural neo-realist theory and state-building theory has been used. Findings show that Iran's sensitive geopolitical position and structural requirements for playing an active regional player in the US global defense strategy in the Cold War bipolar order, fear of Soviet communism and radical Arab nationalism, the most important and obvious factors influencing the structure of the international system are the security-militarization of the state-building policies of the second Pahlavi regime

Over the past decade, the European Union has faced unprecedented challenges on various fronts, such as the financial crisis, the migration crisis, the foreign policy crisis (Crimea), the disintegration, and the populism crisis. Meanwhile, the Corona Pandemic Crisis, although seemingly a health crisis at first glance, cannot be ignored for its geopolitical effects. The present study seeks to answer the main question based on the Neo-Neo debate and the future research method (scenario-making technique), what scenarios are ahead of the European Union in the face of the problems posed by the Corona crisis worldwide? Will this crisis lead to more or less European integration or will it lead in a different direction? In answer to this question, based on the course of events, the goals of the actors and the use of the technique of "Brainstorming", five scenarios can be proposed in the form of three categories: a) the Preferable scenario or the best; Continuing the EU's convergence and maintaining the power of acting at the level of international relations or the EU's continued convergence with the German leadership; B) Probable scenario; Transformation of the European Union into a regional confederation or the withdrawal of Italy from the European Union; C) Possible scenario; The divergence and collapse of the European Union. The findings show that the aftermath of the Quaid 19 crisis has left the EU with countless problems, with the EU failing to manage the crisis, thus undermining the EU's acting power. Internal and international levels are strongly affected.

Ahmadinejad's rise to power in Iran's political structure was accompanied by a new round of economic policies. Iranian analysts have examined these policies from a variety of perspectives, while some believe that the economic orientation of this period was closely related to economic populism. Based on this, the main question of the preliminary research is that the economic policies of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidential period are relative to the macroeconomics of populism? The present paper attempts, from the perspective of political economy, using Durran Bush and Edwards' macroeconomic popolism) in the form of a populist approach as a political strategy and at the level of economic policy-making) while revising Ahmadinejad's economic policies, an explanation of the relationship between these policies and populist approaches to the economy as well as its consequences for the economy of Iran. The research findings show that Ahmadinejad, on the basis of populist economic policy makers, promised to support his supporters of poverty and inequality and the revival of justice, he worked with oil revenues to implement expansionary economic policies in the first two years of his presidency. Which ultimately led to the spread of liquidity, inflation, and recession, after which, since 2009, due to lower oil revenues, the ninth government turned to stabilizing policies and reduced its subsidies and economic development plans.

JCPOA is a milestone in the nuclear diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has played a major role in policymaking and implementing institutions and organizations in shaping it. One of these decision-making bodies of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, especially the ninth and tenth assemblies. So, the main question to be asked is that what role the 9th and 10th parliaments have played in the process of Iran's nuclear diplomacy, especially in the JCPOA agreement? The research findings based on theoretical models of decision making in the field of foreign policy show that the positions and decisions of the parliament in nuclear diplomacy are based on the outsourcing of decisions of other institutions and organizations such as the Supreme National Security Council, Guardian Council, The Judiciary has been the executive branch. Based on the "limited rationality" of the parliament, the law enforced the government's obligation to maintain the nuclear and legal achievements of the Iranian people, the government's plan of appropriate and mutually beneficial action, the establishment of a special commission for the presentation of the six-month reports of the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission and approval Four bills called the AFTF.

Following the ISIL invasion of northern Iraq, Kurdish Peshmerga unofficially took control of some parts of the northern Iraq abandoned by Iraqi forces and, as a result, consequently attempted to strengthen the independence of Kurdistan. This event has important internal and regional implications on the Iraqi Kurdistan region. Utilizing the Future Studies scenario technique, the current research aims to answer the following question: Given the Kurdish Peshmarga’s aim for the independent Kurdistan, how their political future can be best predicted? This investigation provides five scenarios in three categories: a) Prefarable scenario: Kurdistan climate negotiations with the central government of Iraq, Iran, Turkey, the United States and its western allies, and the declaration of independence of Kurdistan; the independence of the Kurdistan region and the utilizing Erbil's economic capabilities to influence future actions and reactions (B) Probable scenario: mediating a third actor, and enjoying economic and political privileges via taking part in the disputed areas administration; creating a confederal system in return for postponing or abandoning the independence of Kurdistan; Immediate announcement of the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan after the possible failure of talks with the central government of Iraq and the rest of regional and international states (C) Possible scenario: creation of a great Kurdistan. The findings of the present study indicate that the consequences of the referendum of September 25, 2017, have affected the Kurdistan region. Therefore, if the Kurdish government can not overcome this crisis, many of the current achievements in the economic sphere will lose political, social and cultural freedom.

In the late 2010, Tunisian revolutionaries toppled the authoritarian regime of Ben Ali. Tunisian rebels inspired a few other nations to rise against dictators. Among all countries involved in the Arab revolutions, only Tunisia seems to be completing democratic transition. The main question of this article is how political transition in Tunisia affects the formation and stability of good governance in this country. To answer this question, theoretical foundations of good governance are combined with analytical model of democratic transitions. The results showed that a dynamic and stable middle class civil society, a small professional army, ethnic and religious homogeneity, and secular and Islamist leaders’ commitment to democratic transition process will pave the way for the formation of good governance in long-term.

The following article is orchestrated on the basis of scenario-based processing as one of the main methods of future study. It tries to answer this main question that “what would be the probable direction of the Salafi jihadist groups such as Al-Nusra Front and Islamic state of Syria and Iraq (ISSI) in the Middle East? It seems that five scenarios can be anticipated in three categories: A) Favorable scenario: 1) the final destruction of Takfirijihadi Islamists and democratically distribution of power under the ceremonial leadership of Bashar al-Assad 2) suppression of takfiri groups and ruling of the Islamic Republic, instead of the Arabic Republic of Syria and Iraq. B) Probable scenario: 1) the elimination of Da’ash and distribution of power between Kurds, Shiites and Sunnite in Syria 2) Breakup of Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan's independence. C) Possible scenarios: 1) capturing Baghdad and Beirut government and establishing the government known as the Islamic regime by takfiri-jihadi groups. In order to keep their own entities, the political systems of Syria and Iraq should carry out reforms mainly in the political, economic and social realms.

Most of the countries holder of natural resources are independent of income tax in their community. It seems, having a huge revenue earned from export of natural resources tends to increase utilization of these resources and leads to monopolies, control and economic areas pursuant supporter networks tend to increase rent-seeking. It can also have negative effects on social capital and networks, thus extending vertically rather than horizontally, undermining the norms and social trust cause. This research based on descriptive – explanatory method, tries to analyze and examine the impacts of oil rent on social capital in Iran between 1368 and 1384. Paper believes that the increase and intensification of state monopolies, social capital as a regulator of human relations and organizational norms and public confidence is weak and disorder in the short term, so that it causes widespread government corruption and in the long term resulting in social anomie.