rohollah eslami

Higher education in different societies has been receiving serious attention in order to provide expert and capable human resources and closely related to the discussion of development, and therefore requires correct and efficient policy making in this field. Our attempt in this article is to analyze the policy cycle of higher education in post-revolutionary Iran and examine the success or failure of this system. the main question of the article is what is the policy cycle of higher education in Iran and what have been the positive and negative achievements of these policies? The findings of the research indicate that educational policy making in Iran has a centralized, top-down, idealistic and ideology-oriented process in the design phase and has fundamental weaknesses in the implementation phase. Quantitative growth of universities and increase in literate population of the country, increase of educated women, establishment of Azad University and non-government universities, establishment of Payam Noor University and distance education as well as establishment of international universities are among the positive achievements of the education policy system. It has been great in Iran. the lack of independence of universities, the disproportion between the quantitative and qualitative growth of universities, the lack of active public sphere to express the opinions of stakeholders and academic experts, the prevalence of degree orientation, the incompatibility of academic disciplines with the needs of society and the labor market and The large number of unemployed academics is one of the inefficiencies of the higher education policy system in the country.

The appraisal of studies on the social issue of law in Iran indicates that these studies are based on the formal validity of the law in the legal system and expect its normative validity and empirical validity to be normal. These studies understand the law as a tool of social reform based on the will of the legislator and often by adopting Durkheim's pathological approach and under interpretations such as anomie (abnormality) the negative aspect of the rule of law (i.e. lawlessness ) as a "social issue" and introduced the problems of two levels of law-making and enforcement as an independent variable (under the title of political factor or legal factor) among the factors of this social phenomenon and unintentionally they have ignored the necessity for the law to be emerged from the collective conscience and also the connection of social control mechanisms of Iranian society. This article argues from the perspective of Durkheim's sociology of law that the establishment of codified law in the process of social change is done based on the links created in the history of the society and on this basis it tries to outline the changes in the social context of law in two periods before and after the constitutional revolution in Iran. the achievement of this article is descriptive and exploratory which can provide an opportunity for future researches to do research from the standpoint of social health.

Being among the world's biggest debtors in the 1980s, Brazil made progress and developed at an unparalleled pace since the mid-1990s with economic reforms. This article aims to examine the Brazilian trade policy process and its relation with Iran. By applying the theory of complex interdependence, it was found that while abandoning the tradition of protectionism and the tendency to integrate into the global geo-economy, it diversified its partners in the form of trade agreements, reduced reliance on Mercosur, strengthened The entry of foreign capital and the presence of Brazilian investors oversees, trade multilateralism, the reduction of tariff rates and non-tariff barriers; On the other hand, the necessity of concluding preferential and especially free trade agreements between Iran and Brazil, creating export capacity due to the complementarity of the economies of the two countries, as well as overcoming challenges such as tariff rates and cooperation in the direction of multilateralism in the form of institutions such as BRICS, are opportunities that could shape Iranian trade policy towards Brazil.

In this article, an attempt has been made to explain the governance of AI based on the perspective of political phenomenologists with Morrow's interpretive approach and theoretical framework. The main question is: How does political phenomenology provide insights into the concept of AI governance? According to the hypothesis, the phenomenology of AI governance has a mathematical and positivist rationality. The results of the research also show that political phenomenologists refer to mathematical systems in the process of forming the rule of artificial intelligence; the formal systems of mathematics that create the mathematical world cause the mathematization of the life-world and its political horizon; and finally, the sovereignty of AI emerges. This process is not related to the philosophical development of existence and human freedom, and it is a kind of forgetting the life-world and is in conflict with the human meaning of phenomenology. They consider this process to be the cause of the attenuation of ancient virtues and the distortion of political action in the sense of the political space of the city-state, and while adopting a cosmic vision, anti-modernism mainly shows its dependence on the virtues and rights and natural law of pre-modern political systems against the modern systems of the mathematical world.

This article is an attempt to understand the transformation of the perceptual space of Iranian society through the medium of cinema (a case study of the movie City of Rats One and Two). The perceptual atmosphere of Iranian society has undergone transformations in the field of political thinking and politics in the decades after the revolution. A transformation that can be referred to as the transition from the politics of liberation to the politics of life. By reviewing, developing, restricting and limiting the opinions of Anthony Giddens and Alan Thorn, we will clarify the concept of the politics of liberation and the politics of life in political literature. And then, on two levels, firstly, the internal analysis of two films, City of Rats One and Two, with the method of analyzing the narrative of Grimas, and secondly, the external analysis of the film, we will deal with the relationship between the film and the socio-political atmosphere of our time. The results of the surveys show that "The City of Rats One in the 60s" in the form of liberation politics and "The City of Two Rats in the 90s" in the form of life policy have devoted efforts to rebuilding the social world of their time.

This article examines the four dominant intellectual paradigms in the contemporary history of Iran, from the dominant paradigm in the constitutional period until now. The dominant paradigms in each period, intellectuals of that paradigm, time period, intellectual foundations, achievements and pathology of each paradigm have been studied. The theoretical framework used in this article is paradigm and interpretative hermeneutics is also used as a method in this article. . In the article, four main intellectual currents in Iran have been examined since the constitution until now, and each of the currents has been analyzed in relation to science.Based on the classification made and the theoretical framework used in the article, the findings are that with the disappearance of the scientific approach, pseudo-scientific paradigms and anti-science narratives, i.e. critical, understanding and phenomenological left And finally, postmodernism and poststructuralism replaced the first paradigm, and the opportunity to present scientific and positivist paradigms was not provided in Iran's political thought. As a result, this caused the destruction of the continuity of rationality in Iran.

One of the conditions of the Iranian community was the invasion of the Mongols to the Iranian community and breaking the theoretical and political components of the Iranian community. The massacres, looting, rape, destruction of the heritage disappeared in the invasion of the clan desert tribes. Elites such as Sa'di, Hafiz, Obeid, Jowney and Khajeh Nasir tried to rescue the country intellectually and culturally in different ways, although the political and economic structure had collapsed. Persian language and the use of narratives of political philosophy were one way to preserve the achievements of Iranian thought. Obeid Zakani critic and satirist, in a treatise titled akhlagh al-ashraf, have shown that the path to the political wisdom of Farabi, Abu Ali Sina and Ferdowsi has gone astray. While the tradition of Iranian wisdom followed the creation of the utopia and the emergence of the wisdom Shah in order to regulate the conditions of the Iranians, all classes and ethics were suddenly shaken. The elites and aristocrats were destroyed and Obeid Zakani, in his treatise with the language of satire, in the narrative of political wisdom tried to show the inversion of the aristocratic ethics in the form of the conversion of the virtuous regime to the obsolete religion and the ignorant regime to the curent religion. This research focuses on the inversion of political philosophy in the book of akhlagh al-ashraf of Obeid Zakani the based on the interpretive approach of Leo Strauss.

For centuries, mankind had forgotten an important subject called women, who make up half of the human population, and it was feminists who recalled this great loss. Women have no place in politics and even in the 21st century they have little place in politics and leadership of societies. What seems natural, that is, the migration of women to the private sphere and the underworld and turning them into unequal beings who, with much effort, gain only a few rights, is the great silence of history, and these have been challenged by feminists. Is. Ecofeminists, as a branch of feminist, have the same principles and views of classical feminists, but with the difference that they address the demands of women in the context of environmental principles. Ecofeminists seek to change people's attitudes toward nature and women, so they are the product of the third wave of feminist theory in terms of both theoretical framework and methodology. Emphasizing environmental ideas and the coexistence of nature and women, this article will explain ecofeminist attitudes in international relations and the impact of ecological and environmental-oriented attitudes on the evolution and change in the field of international relations. Will review international treaties.

The years 1919 to 1929 in Afghanistan witnessed a clash between deep-rooted traditions and the alluring, yet disturbing forces of modernity. The developments that took place in the West under the name of modernity in different areas of the life left significant consequences on other parts of the world and Afghanistan was also affected by the scope of these waves in different periods. The deep roots of traditions in Afghanistan and the senselessness of new developments have led to the confrontation of modern values ​​with long-standing and deep-rooted traditions in the uneven cultural context of Afghan society. The penetration of modernity into Afghanistan, which took place through political and cultural elites, commercial and cultural exchange with the West, brought complex and numerous consequences. In a country with a rich cultural background and deep-rooted traditions, this confrontation has been accompanied by challenges and contradictions that have manifested in various political, social, economic and cultural fields.The central values ​​of modernity, such as rationality, individualism, secularism are against the traditional values ​​of the Afghan society, traditions based on religion, ethnicity, collectivism and obedience to hierarchical structures. This conflict has led to tensions and resistances against the developments of modernity, especially among the religious and traditional strata of the society.

Research question: 

What are the results of the dialectic of tradition and modernity in Afghanistan's political thought and what currents have emerged around it?Research hypothesis: The introduction and implementation of modern political thought in Afghanistan has not been able to be effectively integrated with existing traditional values and practices. This lack of integration has created a sharp gap between the modernist and traditionalist segments of Afghan society and has prevented the development of a coherent and sustainable political model.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

Qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach are used in this article. The data analysis has been conducted using Quentin Skinner's hermeneutic method.

The period of Amanullah Khan's rule (1929-1919) in Afghanistan witnessed a deep confrontation between tradition and modernity. Amanullah Khan, who was influenced by the modernist ideas of the West, started extensive reforms in various fields. The approval of the constitution, separation of powers, and attention to education, press freedom and women's rights are among the important achievements of this period. Reforms in Afghanistan faced serious challenges due to several factors, including neglect of national and religious values, obvious imitation of Western models, focus on superficial improvements and acceleration in the implementation of changes.Ignoring the deeply rooted national and religious values ​​of the society created a deep gap between the people and the reform programs. Many of the proposed changes were seen as a threat to tradition and angered the masses and conservative factions. Attempting to modernize only with inspiration from western models, without considering the unique cultural and social context of Afghanistan, created a sense of alienation and resistance among the people. This uncritical imitation turned the reforms into external impositions and not internal developments that the people would consider as their own.Focusing too much on the appearances of progress, such as modern infrastructure and Western institutions, was not enough without bringing about deeper changes at the intellectual and cultural level. This superficial approach cannot communicate with people’s real needs and values ​​and involve them meaningfully.The high speed of implementation of reforms, regardless of traditional values ​​and beliefs, aroused the conservative forces. The lack of gradual transition and consensus building led to significant backsliding and social unrest. The lack of constructive and scientific dialogue between modernists and traditionalists fueled the escalation of tensions and conflicts. Finally, this confrontation led to the coup of Habibullah Kalkani and the overthrow of Amanullah Khan. With the closure of the constitutional case, Afghanistan once again fell into the abyss of traditionalism and isolation. This retreat demonstrated the difficulty of reconciling rapid modernization with deeply rooted traditions and left Afghanistan at a crossroads.

The research findings show that there was no effective intellectual debate between traditionalists and intellectuals during this period. The modernists presented their political thoughts without constructive dialogue and debate with traditionalists. The dominant view between these currents was hostile, and as a result, the internal model was not formed and the Afghan society remained in two parts, the traditionalists and the modernist. In Afghanistan, unlike countries in the region such as Iran and Türkiye, constitutionalism and modernism were not in the form of a comprehensive social thought, but rather as a topic of discussion in small intellectual groups that did not go beyond the circle of the court and courtiers and did not penetrate among the elites of the society. The conflict between tradition and modernity played a major role in the failure of modernism in this period. Since the modernists sought to create rapid socio-cultural and political changes and failed to transform the idea of constitutionalism into a social discourse, the deep-rooted traditions of the Afghan society resisted such sudden changes. The lack of deep intellectual debate between the proponents of tradition and modernists of the Hegelian dialectic type and even the dialogue and debate based on the Habermasian dialectic caused the failure of the constitutionalism process in this period. The type of confrontation between tradition and modernity in this era was superficial, hostile and antagonistic and its violent result not only led to the failure of constitutionalism and Amani's reforms, rather it led to the failure of his government and as a result, the case of modernists and constitutionalists was closed in the country for a long time.

With their resurgence in Afghanistan, the Taliban has adopted the term "Islamic Emirate" instead of "Islamic State." After capturing Kabul, the Taliban formally introduced their interim government and requested the United Nations to recognize their representation. The Taliban regime, which can be described as an "Ethnic-Religious Leviathan," does not adhere to the conventional norms of legitimacy in international law. Instead, it bases its principles on "Hanafi jurisprudence," "Pashtunwali customs," and the "Loya Jirga tradition," none of which align with international standards of legitimacy. These principles, characterized by ethnic nationalism, patriarchy, and the fusion of political and religious despotism, are incompatible with the modern state's elements, such as authority, legitimacy, sovereignty, territory, centralized power, and a constitution.The concept of Leviathan, introduced in Thomas Hobbes' political philosophy, is a significant theory concerning sovereignty and political systems. It is based on a social contract where individuals surrender their decision-making rights to a centralized government. According to Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, the balance of power between the state and society is crucial in determining the type of Leviathan. This balance may result in different forms of Leviathan: a despotic Leviathan where the state is strong, and society is weak; an absent Leviathan where both the state and government institutions are weak; a constrained Leviathan where the state and society are balanced and interact; and a paper Leviathan where both the state and society are weak. In each type of Leviathan, norms play a crucial role in shaping government behavior and actions. In comparison to Leviathan, the Taliban’s Islamic Emirate can be seen as a blend of a despotic Leviathan and a paper Leviathan. In this structure, the Taliban government is strong and authoritarian, but its inability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services leads to a weakened society. This situation restricts individual and social freedoms and places society under the heavy control of the government, with no opportunity for effective political participation. Additionally, exploitative economic institutions in this type of government eliminate incentives for progress and innovation, leading to social instability and weakness. Considering these factors, the Taliban Leviathan can be seen as a combination of both despotic and paper Leviathan types. The paper Leviathan lacks the ability to resolve conflicts, enforce laws, and provide public services, rendering both the state and society weak. At the same time, it constantly fears mobilization from society, which could threaten the stability of its control. In this type of Leviathan, freedom is ultimately thwarted.According to Quentin Skinner’s perspective, understanding the Taliban’s ideology and actions requires reconstructing both their practical and ideological contexts, aiming to clarify what the Taliban intends to achieve. A hermeneutic analysis of the Taliban's actions and the political environment in their Islamic Emirate necessitates examining their ideological foundations, customary norms, their political actions, the development or transformation of their ideology, and finally, the relationship between ideology and political action. The ideological crisis in Afghanistan stems from the lack of indigenous forces for national and political independence. As a country with ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity, Afghanistan has long faced identity problems. The state's, system's, and nation’s identity in Afghanistan have always been ambiguous and unstable. This identity crisis has been exacerbated by the dominance of tribal culture, which conflicts with modernity and inter-ethnic culture. In this context, the Taliban, as a group with a specific ideology, has been influenced by Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. Talibanism emerged as a reaction to the inefficiency of the Jihadist government and ethnic fragmentation, attempting to strengthen its legitimacy among the Afghan people by ensuring security.The Taliban's political actions are based on Hanafi jurisprudence, Pashtunwali customs, and the Loya Jirga tradition. After the 2001 US invasion and the subsequent fall of their government, the Taliban resorted to guerrilla warfare. Through reorganization and alliances with groups like al-Qaeda, they managed to regain control over various regions and gradually became a significant political power in Afghanistan. However, the Taliban's political actions have consistently been characterized by totalitarianism and exclusivity, which has deepened ethnic and racial divisions in Afghanistan. In forming their ideology, the Taliban collaborated with fundamentalist and reactionary groups, adopting norms from Hanafi culture as their political ideology. Over time, this ideology has evolved under the influence of global and regional developments, particularly after the deaths of the Taliban’s original leaders and the emergence of new ones. The group has attempted to adapt its ideology to new global and local challenges. Global events like the September 11 attacks and the US wars in Afghanistan also played a role in these ideological shifts.As an Islamic movement, the Taliban has intertwined its ideology with political actions. By adhering to Islamic principles and Sharia law, the group seeks to reshape Afghanistan's social and political structures in line with its ideology. The connection between the Taliban's ideology and political action has enabled them to dominate the Afghan people and implement their policies using ideological power. The Taliban's conservative ideology, emphasizing the enforcement of Islamic limits and a particular interpretation of Sharia, serves as the foundation of their governance and helps them reconstruct Afghanistan's social and political systems according to their ideological vision. This analysis shows that the Taliban has not only used its ideology but also its political and military actions to establish a prominent position in AfghanThe comparison between the Leviathan theory and the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban reveals that each of these concepts possesses unique characteristics in areas such as sovereignty, state formation, and political systems. This analysis not only enhances the understanding of philosophical and political concepts but also sheds light on the challenges and opportunities emerging in different contexts. With the collapse of the Afghan government and the ensuing panic among the people, there are growing concerns that with the rise of the Taliban, Afghanistan might revert to a pre-modern era, where women would be confined to their homes, girls would be denied education, men would be forced to comply with Sharia law, and the Taliban-controlled media would lack freedom. Moreover, the public fears that any Afghan citizen who collaborated with the previous government or the United States might face severe punishment if discovered by the Taliban. In essence, it can be said that the state-building process appears to be moving in reverse, leading to a breakdown of order. However, the Taliban has denied all these claims in conferences, asserting that they have no intention of reinstating previous policies and that their objective is to assist the people and promote the progress and development of Afghanistan. This is a question that cannot be answered definitively at this time; it remains to be seen what the outcomes of the Taliban's Islamic governance in Afghanistan will be. Nevertheless, given the internal and regional circumstances, the future of the Taliban government remains uncertain. Domestically, the issue of governing a fragmented society persists, and the Taliban's Leviathan, in addition to maintaining stability, faces multiple and diverse demands from Afghanistan's youthful and sectarian society. Consequently, the Taliban will inevitably need to adopt a more inclusive approach, which will require developing a coherent theory of governance and appropriate mechanisms. However, it must be acknowledged that the process of forming a strong and stable state is still in its early stages, as the Taliban's Islamic Emirate is highly dependent on developmental assistance and de jure recognition on the global stage to carry out the typical functions of a sustainable government.

This paper investigates the intricacies of crafting historical narratives within secondary school textbooks in Afghanistan throughout the past century. Employing critical discourse analysis, the study scrutinizes five compelling examples illuminating the complex interplay between historiography, political ideologies, and artistic subjectivity in shaping students’ conception of national identity. The first case centers on the invention of fictional historical figures like Amir Kror that link Afghan lineage to powerful dynasties, but lack scholarly rigor and threaten social cohesion. Second, the analysis explores identity distortions woven into textbook images that portray figures like Genghis Khan with distinctly Afghan features, blurring historical accuracy. Third, it highlights methodological limitations and potential regional biases that cloud academic debates on the origins of dynasties like the Kartids. Fourth, the construction of demographic averages regarding ethnicity and religion without empirical basis raises concerns about perpetuating damaging stereotypes. Finally, the ubiquitous name “Afghanistan” itself reveals imbalanced emphases on particular eras, shaping modern conceptions of nationhood. Collectively, these five examples underscore the need for responsible scholarship and factual precision in history education to foster authentic engagement with Afghanistan’s rich and diverse heritage. As the curriculum shapes students’ notions of identity and selfhood, commitment to academic accountability and balanced historiography becomes essential to nurturing inclusive discourse and national cohesion.

This study investigates the interaction of Afghan governments over the past century with the Persian language as a language of culture, civilization, and interaction among the people of Afghanistan. The study aims to answer the question of how Afghan rulers, as custodians of the Persian language, have interacted with Persians and why they have chosen the policy of Persian language removal. This study is conducted based on the theoretical framework of language ideology and the theoretical politics of Althusser. From Althusser's perspective, ideology is presented as a linguistic and structural set and is referred to as a system of ideas through which people shape their life experiences in the structural world. This study employs a sociological, epistemological and historical approach. The research findings, based on historical data, indicate that the link between the policies of Afghan governments and the Persian language was initially inevitable due to seeking refuge in the shadow of the Persian language. However, after the formation of power monopolistic thinking in Afghanistan, the Persian language has been perceived as foreign.

Public policy-making means the government in action, that is, what decisions the government makes in public matters, for which groups, with what tools, and what results are obtained from these decisions. Education policymaking means designing and implementing policies that the government uses in the field of education. Education policy in all countries is one of the three policy issues. Education is a socialization device for the government, and for this reason, governments use education as a public good to reproduce legitimacy. In this article, the issue is whether it is possible to organize the policy cycle based on critical theory. The policy cycle has stages such as system input, design, policy implementation and output, and evaluation and feedback. In this article, we try to examine the education policy cycle from a critical perspective by using the critical theories of Jürgen Habermas, Pierre Bourdieu, and Louis Althusser. The findings of the article show that critical theory is an approach that tries to organize a new space for educational policies in terms of public domain, communication wisdom, power fields, and the ideological structure of government. The article is the application of critical theory in the policy cycle of education, which can be used as a basis for future research.

After twenty years, the Taliban regained power for the second time in 2021. The Islamic Emirate must inevitably engage with regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to sustain its governance. Central Asian countries, which are gathered under the umbrella of the SCO, have an influential role in the political developments of Afghanistan. The main question is what impact does the security interaction between the Taliban and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have on the economy and politics of the Taliban government? The research hypothesis is that the security interaction between the Taliban and the (SCO), through the fight against ISIS as a regional consensus, leads to security, political, and economic convergence between the Taliban and the organization. The findings indicate that the anti-ISIS policy of the Taliban and their fight against drug trafficking provide a basis for security cooperation with the organization. Moreover, the political alignment with China and Russia, who are among the main actors of the organization, stands the Taliban in the anti-unilateralism camp against the United States. The present research has utilized the explanatory method and library-based data collection approach.

One of the main issues facing human rights is the possibility and how it is implemented. In the domestic arena, the existence of political power from the Leviathan helps to guarantee the implementation of human rights, but in the international arena we face relatively anarchic conditions. The question is what mechanisms the prominent paradigms of political science and international relations have proposed for the implementation of human rights. In the article with the framework of genealogy paradigms and epistemological systems, human rights in the paradigms of political science and international relations are examined. For this purpose, thinkers, intellectual foundations, and executive mechanisms of human rights have been analyzed. The above paradigms can be placed in a continuum that encompasses a variety of perspectives from the possibility to the denial of human rights. At one end of the spectrum are liberal and technology-oriented approaches that consider the implementation of human rights in the domestic and international arenas possible and offer a variety of mechanisms for it. On the other hand, there are critical and phenomenological paradigms that make human rights and its implementation impossible in the current situation. Between the two is the paradigm of realism, which finds the implementation of human rights within the framework of the state feasible but finds it difficult to achieve in the international arena.

Over the past three decades, the positions of the student justice movement have become challenging on many issues. The purpose of this article is to examine the place of development in the discourse of this student movement. Considering the impact of student movements' discourse on the effective discourse of society and its impact on political and social structures, it seems necessary to examine it. In this regard, it should be clarified that the discourse of this organization preserves and rejects what meaning of development.The integrated discourse analysis model of Fairclough, Lacla and Mouffe is efficient to achieve this goal. Based on this model, firstly, the formal features of the statements and speeches of prominent people from the point of view of vocabulary, phonetic system, and grammar in the three levels of content and relationships in the text, as well as the identities that are depicted at the level of the text; Checked out. Next, at the level of interpretation, using the combination of Fairclough, Lacla and Mouffe, the discourses in the texts of the statements and interviews were identified. At the explanation level, the position of the studied discourse in power relations was determined. The findings show that although this discourse introduces "Islamic civilization" as an alternative to development, it still has a fundamental relationship with the dependency approach.In the discourse of the movement, categories such as seeking justice, resistance economy, anti-arrogance, anti-colonialism, and fighting corruption have been highlighted. On the other hand, western development, aristocracy and political factions have been strongly marginalized. The absent discourses of this movement include pacifism, the category of women, democracy, freedom, human rights and everyday affairs.

The art of inscription writing represents a valuable legacy that delves into the political wisdom of Iranians. The content of these inscriptions, as implied by their name, comprises ethical, religious, political, and social admonitions from the elite and statesmen of the time to the sovereign. The epistolary style of the inscriptions paints a portrait of the ideal king and the aspirations of Iranian elites. By considering them as a crystallization of one of the most important forms of wisdom, one can identify a ruler who possesses both Iranian and ancient roots as the ideal king. This paper explores the concepts and structures of Darius the Great's rule by studying the Behistun Inscription. Here, the structures of the ideal ruler in the Behistun Inscription, using the phenomenological method and within the theoretical framework of Parato Elitism, are examined in both the mental and tangible dimensions. It seeks to answer the question: What are the attributes of the ideal ruler in the Behistun Inscription? What characteristics should this ruler possess to be recognized as the ideal sovereign, beyond obtaining the competence of governance?.

Population is one of the components of the national power of any country, and the optimal population size and policies to achieve it are always the concerns of governments. In recent years, due to changing trends and fertility patterns, population decline has become one of Iran's major issues. In this regard and in response to the possible consequences of a sharp decrease in the fertility rate, the statesmen and policy makers of the society have been considering population policies since the last decade of the 80s. This research aims to describe the different stages of this policy and evaluate the goals and tools of this policy by using systemic theory in response to the question of how the policy cycle of population increase in Iran. It seems that the youth plan of the population still does not have priority to enter the system due to the accumulation of issues in the economic, social and environmental fields in the Islamic Republic. Moreover, the applied incentive and punishment policies and tools will not be beneficial due to their inadequacy, inefficiency and violation of citizen's rights.

 The world empire of Achaemenid Iran is recognized as a hegemonic power in the international system of ancient times. This government had hegemonic coordinates in the classical and modern sense, which required a hegemonic power above all else. The Mazdei hegemony was formed based on the political ideas of Iranshahri and the Iranian world order, which was reflected in the Achaemenid foreign policy strategy. The main question is; How was Iranshahri political thought of the Achaemenid era formed based on the concept of hegemony and hegemonic system in the creation of a new Iranshahri world order in the international arena? The results show that Achaemenid Iran as a hegemonic power at the level of the triple system of the ancient world controlled three important regional systems of the ancient world, i.e. the system of the Indian subcontinent and South Asia, the system of the Middle East and the Near East, and most of the Mediterranean system. In addition to legitimate military and economic measures to maintain its hegemony over the international systems, this government used techniques to control power centers, including the balance of power technique to control centrifugal regional powers. Also, the foundation and focal point of Iran's hegemony is based on the justice and specific ideology of the imperial government. In this era, based on the earthly and cosmic order of the imperial system, the cultural, military, economic and political hegemony of Iranshahri was formed and with a dynamic and advanced economy based on economic and commercial power, it created a powerful and unified monetary system in the ancient world. The research method in this article is based on the comparative method and the data collection method is based on library and reliable internet sources.

Islamic thought, caught in the straitjacket of tradition and modernity, has no choice but to critically reinterpret its own intellectual tradition. This reinterpretation is only possible through contemporary debates, and any reinterpretation of the past is used as a weapon in contemporary debates, redefining friend and foe. This article explains four strategic discourses: traditional, supra-traditional, modern, and postmodern, based on the level and scope of application, approach, and nature of the debate. Contemporary reinterpretations of Ghazali's thought, which have been identified in five groups: neo-Christian, neo-Peripatetic, neo-Ash'arite, neo-Mu'tazilite, and neo-Khosrowani, are evaluated against the strategic discourses. In each group, important thinkers and the main sources of readings of Ghazali are introduced, and the underlying points of their reinterpretations are discussed. Each group tries to attribute Ghazali's creativity in the context of Islamic intellectual currents to its own tradition and the decline of philosophical thought after him to Ghazali's influence by the views of the enemy.

The age of information, which involves new methods of transferring information and free access to information, has caused human rights laws to become international custom and ultimately a binding principle in international law. Human beings should be placed beyond the territory of the internal sovereignty of countries and human rights should be promoted from the second-class position to the first-class position in politics. The research question is, what will be the status and application of human rights in the information age? The hypothesis of the emergence of information technology, information, education, implementation of human rights becomes more operational, practical and enforceable. In this article, the following topics are addressed to answer the research question, which are: Human rights education, which is considered an international obligation and has a decisive role in the development of human rights in the information age. Human rights movements that have played a role in shaping and guiding global public opinion, protests and creating serious challenges for governments. International organizations related to human rights that have made extensive efforts to promote the principles and standards of human rights in the last two centuries. Also, the compilation of international conventions and the public domain of human rights, which can be considered the press as one of the most important institutions of the public domain, whose purpose is to inform, criticize the government, familiarize the government with the needs of the people, and finally, the formation of the world governmentHuman rights are one of the legal and political achievements of the modern era, however, the crisis that arose in its foundations has also spread to this achievement, including signs and symptoms that indicate the existence of this crisis in the concept of human rights, failure to act It is the countries that voted positively for the provisions of this declaration. The countries that are the birthplace of modernity and the concept of human rights, consider these provisions to be applicable within their own country and in a better situation, and they do not have this policy for other people who live in other places. But with the entry into the information age, which involves new methods of moving information and free access to information, human rights and freedoms in the cyberspace will be very controversial, and we want to show in this research what human rights are in the information age. finds a situation. The research question is what is the status and application of human rights in the information age? The hypothesis of the emergence of information technology, information, education, implementation of human rights becomes more operational, practical and enforceable.

Theoretical Framework :

Constructivism is an approach that was proposed in sociology before the plan in international relations and has become one of the main theories of international relations since the late 1980s and early 1990s. In terms of content, this approach is placed between two paradigms and the main stream, i.e. realism on the one hand and idealism on the other. Alexander Went believes that the world does not have a certain future and it cannot be said that it will reach certain conditions based on predetermined algebra. But the transformation that has occurred in people's understanding of the world can inevitably lead us to a world government. And his opinion is that a world government will emerge between the next 100 and 200 years, but nothing can be predicted for sure. According to his opinion, as long as the international system is a single system, the formation of a world government can be a development This research, based on the constructivist approach of Alexander WentThe theoretical framework is the constructivism and completion of Alexander Went's theory about human rights and global governance is used.

This article aims to show the applications and methods of using information technology on human rights. In this sense, in Kant's time, that is, in the modern era, there was no technology to implement and operationalize human rights, but now, step by step, the realization of human rights is being implemented objectively. According to the theoretical perspective of the article, the method used in this article is the interpretation method.

The increasing development of new information and communication technologies in the first decades of the 21st century has changed the technology paradigm governing societies from industrial technology to information-communication technology. The information age, which is also called the computer age, the digital age, or the age of new media. The impact and application of information technology on human rights is analyzed in the table below. Element an impact. Type of influence - analysis .1- Teaching human rights. In the age of information, with the availability of human rights education methods have changed and are followed with more speed and quality. Currently, human rights education environments provide the most efficiency for human rights education by making the internet available. Technology has made it possible for people to follow their educational process regardless of time and place. 2- Human rights social movements. Human rights social movements existed before globalization; For example, there was a global social movement against the slave trade in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Since the transformation of the global communications network by electronic means, globalization has intensified and accelerated the capacity of civil society to organize. Through e-mail and the Internet, civil society activists have quick access to knowledge, quick capacity to criticize policy decisions of governments, international organizations, transnational corporations, and quick capacity to interact with each other.Social movements form transnational advocacy networks that exert pressure simultaneously on local, national, and international fronts and use both formal and informal means to achieve their goals. 3-Related international human rights organizations.International human rights organizations, with the diversity of their activities, have influenced the human destiny in an increasing way and have penetrated into all fields of international relations and have ended the isolation of governments in the field of international relations. Organizations on a large scale make the international community aware of the dire state of human rights. These organizations can be effective in helping victims of human rights violations. 4- public sphere of human rights. Fast and cheap access to information causes rapid publication of news, events and promotion of public awareness in the society, and with the use of information technology, all existing systems undergo tremendous changes and transformations; In a way that makes it possible for people to participate as much as possible in political and government processes and public opinion increases the responsibility of governments in human rights demands. 5- The formation of world government. In the age of globalization, governments are increasingly under pressure due to a set of external and internal factors and are forced to answer for their actions before the international community. This issue limits their freedom of action and causes them to participate and interfere in many cases to improve the human rights situation in their country.

Conclusion and Suggestions:

Until the end of the 20th century, all the paradigms of the philosophy of political science and international relations considered it impossible to create human rights regimes, but in the 21st century, Alexander Went, like a technologist, declares that the world government is inevitable, and if in the past Leviathan Globalization could not be realized due to the limitation of technology, now we are moving towards the world government at a high speed. According to Wendt, the future world is not certain and it cannot be said that it will reach specific conditions based on predetermined algebra. But the kind of transformation that has occurred in people's understanding of the world can inevitably lead us to a world government.

This article seeks to answer this question: What changes have taken place in the policy-making of the family institution in Iran? Hypothesized that the Islamic Republic system has designed policies in relation to the institution of the family since the beginning of the revolution in the aim of preserving the patriarchal family, but in the field of implementation moderation has moved. The theoretical framework of the system model and the method of historical-institutional research have been used. The method of data collection tool is also documentary-applied method. Findings show that the demands of different sections of society have placed the family institution at the entrance of the government policy-making system. Many idealistic documents have been compiled and designed with the focus on the institution of the family in Iran, and despite the multiplicity of these documents and laws, today we see that the system of the Islamic Republic has not been very successful in implementing them.

Due to being separated from their families and being exposed to new ideas, university students always follow a kind of idealism in political thought and action, which has fostered the formation of student movements in Iran, with student journals being the crystallization of various political opinions within the university. During 2011–2020 in Iran, the approach to the political changed due to the expansion of the Internet and social networks as well as the generational change, leading to new ideas and views. In this respect, this article aims to examine the evolution of representation and of the political among the university students as manifested in their changing attitudes, concerns, and the issues they wrote about. Analyzing the content of the student journals published at Ferdowsi University of Mashhad during 2016–2020, the present research tries to answer the key question of how the political and power relations were represented and evolved in the student journals.

Theoretical framework:

Power is related to technology, so any change in technology can bring about changes in the approach to the state and political institutions as well as in the interpretation and crystallization of power. Technology has been one of the main variables in the evolution of human societies to the degree that a technological revolution can be mapped throughout history. Both mechanical technology and information technology have considerably influenced the sphere of politics, leading to two forms of political crystallization. The present article relied on a model derived from the theory of the information age, in which the political is considered as a variable of technology and is transformed from the official, institutional politics to the everyday politics—that is, the transformation from the Hobbesian conception of power and the political (as in Leviathan) into the Foucauldian disciplinary power and resistance.

This research used the method of content analysis, which offers the techniques to analyze the content of themes, sentences, and press material for different purposes. Content analysis is the categorization of elements of a text in different boxes in such a way that the value of the elements arranged in each box defines the entire text. As a documented method, content analysis uses a quantitative or qualitative method or a mixed method in order to analyze the content of texts, images, documents, editorials, etc., and reveal the visible and hidden messages therein, thus offering new insights. Content analysis has a high level of validity and reliability since the researcher cannot involve personal tendencies in the research—given the availability of the research topic (i.e., documents).

The COVID-19 pandemic and the closure of universities led to a decline in the number of issues, and thus the pages, of the journals published. The present research studied a total of 15000 pages of student journals by applying content analysis to the text and image. The categories and concepts were coded, and the categories as well their subcategories were classified under two general indicators: sociocultural and economic–political. The findings are summarized below.
The political as mechanical, institutional, and hard power:The relevant concepts crystalize the age of mechanical technologies, reflecting the students’ concerns about the institutional issues, the state, and the nation. In other words, the journals reflected the society’s concern about the state, law, elections, or citizenship rights as the vocabulary representing the modern mechanical-cum-technological age.
The political as informational, everyday, and soft power Concerning the sociocultural indicators, the most frequent issues in the journals were gender, the environment, and the students’ demands. Theoretically speaking, they can be associated with the information age characterized by the focus on art, the environment, women, and everyday life as the instances of informational-cum-technological age observed frequently in the student journals. This indicates a departure from the official and governmental politics towards the emphasis on power relations in knowledge, architecture, art, and almost every aspect of everyday life. Such a change of attitude is seen as the transformation of the political from mechanical and governmental mechanisms into quantum and informational mechanisms that are expanding.

In the decade of the information age and following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the fading of ideologies, the expansion of information technology, and generational changes, the view of politics and its mechanical representation was completely transformed into a quantum and informational representation, with politics manifesting itself as everyday life. The student journals also reflected the change and evolution in the attitudes towards the political. The new generation of students no longer has organizational and institutional demands and reform and revolutionary mechanisms against the government structure. What is evident in the journals is the representation of power as an everyday entity manifested in the demands related to art, the environment, gender, and spaces as well as the request for a better life. The power seems to have moved from the artificial form crystallized in bureaucratic institutions towards the power diffused in everyday life. This change of perspective is evident in the journals led by the students who represent the new generation.
The news, analyses, and writings in the student journals have tangibly moved from political-cum-ideological frameworks towards the everyday life. The conception of politics as the governmental entity with the organizational and bureaucratic structure was transformed into an inclusive conception of power crystallized in everyday life. The previous serious debates used to frame students as critics of power, as intellectuals denying the status quo, and as equipped with the weapon of political parties to get them to oppose politicians. However, in light of the recent changes, the students act as rational and activist citizens, who demand everyday life and happiness. The political is no longer restricted to the government, but diffused in every aspect of life. In a sense, the crystallization of the political has evolved from the mechanical conception of power or macropower to everyday power or micropower.

The Era of Ardashir (Ahd-e Ardashīr), is attributed to Ardashir, the founder of the ancient Sasanian Empire (224-651 A.D.) and is a historical text on how to govern considering the principle of expediency in this dynasty. The importance of Ardashir's Testament is that it presents Ardashir's ideas on statecraft and policy based on his experience in governance. This work gave political advice to the Sasanian Shāhanshāh (King of Kings) as the supreme royal authority on acquiring, maintaining, and consolidating power. In his writing, Ardashir proposed the appropriate use of various instruments—including realistic wisdom, coercive power, job creation, religion, and Farrah-e īzadi (mystical divine force)—which had the attribute of infrastructure (the base) and superstructure (e.g., politics, laws, civil society) in governmentality. He intended to teach his successors of the Sasanian empire and the future generation of Persian rulers when and how to use force as an instrument or use religion as the ideological superstructure of the government. Ardashir presented his views about specific infrastructure and superstructure instruments of governance and drew attention to the proportional use of these instruments in different situations with which a ruler is confronted. This writing depicted a collection of ancient Persian maxims, and Iranian political wisdom which subsequently influenced Islamic political though. More significant was the edict that ideology and religion could be useful in running the kingdom, because of the unity of religion and state as illustrated by the claim that “king's authority is guarding religion, and religion is the foundation of king's authority”.The main research question to be answered is, “what is the nature of the relationship between the ideological superstructure (such as religion, justice, Farrah-e īzadi) and the infrastructure (foundation) of governance (e.g., the use of force and bureaucracy) in Ahd-e Ardashir?” In the hypothesis, the authors argue that there is a continuous and organic relationship between the infrastructure and the superstructure of Ardashir’s political system, as described in Ahd-e Ardashir. Using the framework of Althusser's theory of ideology and ideological state apparatuses, the organic relationship between the superstructure and the infrastructure of governance is analyzed. The argument will be articulated by drawing from the literature that exists on Ardashir's edicts of governance and his views on issues such as establishing a central power with an organized bureaucratic system, consolidating power in his domain, relations with the outside world during the reign of Ardashir. In Althusser’s view, religion as an ideological superstructure of a political system can be reflected in private and public spheres. What emerges from the content of Ahd-e Ardashīr is that religion can flow into the society mainly through the public channel—i.e., the public institutions related to the government. The relationship between Althusser's infrastructure and the state repression apparatus can also be seen in Ahd-e Ardashīr. In this paper, the infrastructure and superstructure of governance are first discussed and then connection between the two are examined. In conformity with Althusser's arguments, it is shown that ideological superstructure helped maintain the power of the state during the reign of Ardashir.

Employment is an effective factor in each person’s life. In particular, the employment of the disabled should be specifically attended by the authorities considering their equal chance of opportunity in society, access to job, and preventing discrimination. The aim of current research is to analyze the public policy making in the field of disabled employment in Iran. The study uses descriptive-analytic approach through systemic analysis. The research tried to employ CIPP method and theory of justice as fairness, to support the possibilities of disabled employment. Also, the design, execution, and the results of the policies in the same subject are investigated. The findings indicated that there is weakness in the area of execution, and as the situation of the disabled is improving, so more supervision should be done.