ahmad jansiz

The conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is a deeply rooted issue that has posed a significant challenge to the Turkish state since its inception. The emergence of Kurdish identity, in opposition to the principles of Kemalism, which emphasized Turkish nationalism, led to the marginalization of Kurds within Turkey. This dynamic was further exacerbated by the actions of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), despite its initial attempts to modify the Kemalist approach to ethnic minorities. The AKP government's objectives included seeking membership in the European Union, improving relations with neighboring countries, and establishing Turkey as a prominent regional power. This strategy involved increasing soft power through democratization, resolving conflicts with neighbors, and enhancing Turkey's security. However, a discrepancy between Turkey's capabilities and resources, and its international commitments, has resulted in a widespread sense of siege, retreat, and isolation, hindering the government's ability to normalize relations with the Kurds. This research aims to analyze the Turkish government's policies towards the Kurdish minority and explore the underlying reasons for the ongoing conflict. The central question is: Why did the reforms implemented by the AKP to integrate Kurdish identity into a national unit fail, and why did the Turkish government resort to military suppression of the Kurds once again? The hypothesis suggests that these reforms failed due to Turkey's inability to address the post-Kemalist identity review of ethnic minorities, particularly the Kurds. The theoretical basis of this research is constructivism, examining the roles of structure and agency in the interactive processes of governance and power. The research methodology is descriptive, utilizing data gathered from library and online resources, including articles, books, and analyses. The analysis highlights that the emphasis on Turkish nationalism and the historical legacy of the Ottoman Empire within Kemalism, the ideological foundation of the political coalition in the Turkish government, led to stringent national policies regarding ethnic minorities. The suppression of Kurdish identity-seeking activities and the restriction of their political and cultural autonomy have been key approaches in this area. The dominant identity in Turkey has historically been unwilling to officially recognize a distinct ethnic minority called Kurds. With the rise of the AKP, there was a move towards a multicultural approach consistent with neo-Ottomanism in dealing with minorities, opening the door to a multicultural conceptualization of Turkish citizenship. Contrary to Kemalist nationalist behavior, as long as minorities demonstrated loyalty to the Republic of Turkey, their cultural rights and expressions of national identity were not seen as major threats. However, when faced with the cultural and political demands of the Kurds, the ruling party sought to secure these rights within the framework of multiculturalism and Islamic identity. Accordingly, there were efforts to modify behavior towards the Kurds, promote the use of the Kurdish language, engage in official negotiations with Kurdish leaders, and foster economic and political relations with the independent Kurdish government in Iraq, as well as cooperate against the PKK with Syria after 2015. This process of de-escalation was ultimately unsuccessful due to internal contradictions within the Turkish government. These contradictions included the ongoing challenge from the Turkish military, which adhered to Kemalist ideology; the AKP's own internal divisions, which led it to use opposition to the Kurds to gain parliamentary victories; and the military attacks on Kurdish-controlled areas in Syria, ostensibly to fight the PKK. This dynamic brought the issue of identity reconsideration in the face of Kurdish nationalism to a head. According to structural analysis, the Turkification of Kurdish identity has consistently been a major factor in the armed struggles of the Kurds, particularly through the PKK. It is essential for the Turkish government to recognize that effective policymaking and the prevention of current tensions between the Turkish government and Kurdish military forces depend on considering the official existence of Kurdish identity. An identity reconstruction that does not include these and similar issues will face resistance from the Kurds. Therefore, the policies of the AKP, while seemingly emphasizing the redefinition of national identity based on pluralistic principles, are still heavily influenced by the spirit of Kemalism. This underlying tension between an apparent desire for pluralism and the deep-rooted adherence to Turkish nationalism has hindered meaningful progress in resolving the conflict. The situation is further complicated by the ongoing military actions against Kurdish groups in neighboring countries, particularly in Syria and Iraq, and the Turkish government's perception of these groups as threats to national security. These actions, while ostensibly aimed at combating the PKK, often result in civilian casualties and further alienate the Kurdish population. The history of conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurds includes significant events like the 1925 Sheikh Said rebellion, and subsequent uprisings in the 1930s, which were met with severe military crackdowns and the suppression of Kurdish cultural expression. The Turkish government's approach has often been to deny the existence of a distinct Kurdish identity and to characterize the Kurdish issue as a problem caused by external factors, like the influence of neighboring countries. This denial has fueled further unrest and created a cycle of violence. The PKK, formed in the late 1970s, has been a central element of this conflict, engaging in armed struggle for greater Kurdish autonomy. Despite periods of ceasefire and peace negotiations, the conflict continues due to a lack of fundamental change in the Turkish government's approach to Kurdish identity and rights. The ongoing tensions also highlight the complex geopolitical considerations, with Turkey viewing Kurdish groups in neighboring countries with suspicion, while these same groups are sometimes allies of western powers. Furthermore, there is uncertainty regarding the degree of influence Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned leader of the PKK, still has on the organization and whether he can meaningfully contribute to any peace process. The conflict is exacerbated by the use of military force and airstrikes by the Turkish military in the region, which has often led to civilian deaths and injuries. The Turkish government's attempts to establish itself as a regional power have also complicated the issue, as its pursuit of strategic interests has sometimes been at odds with the pursuit of a peaceful resolution to the Kurdish question. Ultimately, the persistent conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is a result of Turkey's inability to reconcile its unitary national identity with the demands of its Kurdish population for recognition, autonomy, and cultural rights. The failure of the AKP's reforms can be attributed to the deep-rooted influence of Kemalist ideology, the internal contradictions within the ruling party, and the complex regional dynamics, which all have contributed to a cycle of violence and instability. A lasting resolution requires a fundamental shift in the Turkish government's approach, one that moves beyond suppression and towards genuine recognition and acceptance of Kurdish identity and rights. This will necessitate a significant change in how the Turkish state constructs its national identity and how it views the role and place of ethnic minorities within its borders.

"Debt trap" is a title that refers to a form of diplomacy in which one international entity grants another entity (usually a legitimate government) heavy loans. These types of loans are generally granted to countries that are expected to not be able to repay the said loans. China is one of the actors that uses this type of diplomacy. How China's debt trap diplomacy has deepened financial and political crises in the third world is the title of the question on which this research is written. The proposed hypothesis indicates that China needs to penetrate the countries that supply natural resources in order to develop financial markets and also to expand its strategic depth. By granting heavy loans to less developed countries and influencing the economic structure and political structure of these countries, this country is experiencing a new type of exploitation that has become a legal form and in the long term deepens financial and political crises in the third world countries.

The Fourth Industrial Revolution and the growth of technologies such as artificial intelligence have transformed the competition between great powers. Tools and systems based on artificial intelligence have special characteristics that allow countries that own the technology to gain greater military power by taking advantage of them and can play an effective role in the global future. Despite the fact that the use of artificial intelligence leads to strategic stability and a lack of motivation for nuclear powers to engage in armed conflict, the lack of attention to understanding how nuclear power policymakers perceive artificial intelligence technologies and their effects has led this research to examine the relationship between artificial intelligence and strategic stability between the United States and Russia not only through the technical nature of artificial intelligence but also through policymakers' beliefs about these technologies and the goals of other countries for using them. Using a documentary study method and a descriptive-analytical approach, this article seeks to answer the question of how decision-makers in the United States and Russia have acted on the military development of artificial intelligence and the establishment of strategic stability by perceptually analyzing their official discourses between 2014 and 2023. Based on the findings, the United States and Russia have created a threat from their artificial intelligence capabilities from a military perspective that reflects their views of strategic stability as well as a social context characterized by distrust and a sense of competition. The discourses in their thinking have led to the formation of a competitive cycle of erroneous and irreparable perceptions after the Ukraine crisis.

Foreign policy analysis generally revolves around a nation’s national dynamics, focusing on formulating its foreign policy and identifying its influential factors. In foreign policy studies, the organizational behavior model is a typical framework in which a government does not act as a uniform player but consists of relatively independent organizations. From the perspective of this model, a governmental action (i.e., foreign policy) is considered an organizational output. In this study, the organizational behavior model is employed to analyze the effects of the behavior of I.R. Iran’s armed forces on the “look to the East” policy that relies on China and Russia. This paper addresses the following question: How have the Iranian armed forces affected the adoption of the “look to the East” policy in Iran’s foreign policy? For this purpose, a descriptive-analytical method was employed in this qualitative study. The results indicated that the organizational culture, interests, and performance of the Iranian armed forces have strengthened relations with Russia and China. In other words, Russo-Iranian and Sino-Iranian ties have fulfilled the needs of the Iranian armed forces (including training and arms), thereby reinforcing these forces in performing their main duty, i.e., safeguarding the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the behavior of the Iranian armed forces can be considered a key factor in the emergence and continuation of the “look to the East” policy.

Zionism, as the foundational identity of the Israeli regime, has framed its success around the amalgamation of ethnic nationalism, cultural differences, and a singular national identity. In a society like Israel, characterized by a multitude of distinct identities and strong ethnic, racial, religious, and linguistic components, identity-based and social conflicts have found ample ground for emergence. These conflicts and disputes are often shaped through a combined pursuit of identity and security. Among these factors, ideological attachments, shaping beliefs within dogmatic and biased frameworks, have created fertile ground for deep social divides, particularly religious divides, thereby threatening the regime’s security. Drawing on the Copenhagen School and adopting a descriptive-analytical approach, this article seeks to answer the question: What are the consequences of the religious divide for the security strategy of the Israeli regime? According to the findings of our research, the widening of social gaps, particularly religious divides, has led to political fragmentation. Consequently, Israeli society, as a central pillar of the regime’s existence, is facing crises of divergence and identity, severely undermining social cohesion and unity. Meanwhile, the dominance of a rigid and inflexible Zionist outlook, along with the deepening of societal divides, has seriously threatened social identity and security, forming the core of identity crises and insecurity. In response to these crises, according to its security strategy, the regime’s leaders—perceiving their survival and existence to be at risk—have pursued the securitization of these threats. However, with the continuation of this conflictual dynamic, there appears to be little prospect for meaningful transformation within the structure of the Israeli regime.

Diplomacy has a special place in solving international conflicts. Rather than looking for military solutions in conflict zones, countries will look for less expensive ways. Official diplomacy generally plays the role of promoting peace in the situation of disputes, conflict and war, but countries in conflict, where there is no way to promote official diplomacy between them, choose another path of diplomacy, which is called path two diplomacy. This type of diplomacy is used for countries in conflict in areas where formal diplomacy becomes virtually impossible due to the high degree of sensitivity resulting from a worldview different from the other's ontological security and lack of trust. Diplomacy is the path of two titles that has been known in the last few decades and has been used with positive results in some regions and countries involved in conflict. In this article, while defining and explaining the meaning of track two diplomacy, we examine its function as well as its opportunities and limitations in international crises. The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that the use of two-way diplomacy will be the best form of diplomacy to resolve disputes between governments involved in crisis. This is a research-theoretical article, and for this reason, it will be a guide for researchers' case studies. The research method in this article is explanatory and analytical.

In Turkey's foreign policy, West Asia is viewed as a region where ideological factors take precedence over practical political calculations. The country's foreign policy activities aimed at expanding its role in the region are largely associated with the Islamist tendencies of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). This paper examines Turkey's foreign policy with a focus on the relationship between the AKP and the Muslim Brotherhood, which defines the nature of Turkey's foreign policy from Yemen to Egypt and Libya. The study employs a descriptive and analytical method, utilizing neoclassical realism theory to address the question of how and which elements have led to a shift in Turkey's foreign policy towards Islamism and closer ties with the Muslim Brotherhood following the Arab Spring. The hypothesis posits that, firstly, the ideological connections between the AKP and the Muslim Brotherhood are the most evident factors facilitating cooperation between these two actors. Secondly, Turkey's foreign policy behavior in West Asia reflects a broader strategy to respond to systemic requirements and Erdogan's neo-Ottomanism in the region, aided by the Muslim Brotherhood. Understanding these systemic requirements necessitates considering multiple variables regarding how AKP leaders perceive regional developments, systemic and sub-systemic factors, strategic autonomy as a means of maximizing power and balancing as a way to enhance Turkey's security within West Asian dynamics.

Afghanistan is one of the countries where the American had a significant impact on political developments, following the 9/11 attacks by al-Qaeda after the withdrawal of the Soviet forces. The initial goal of the American government was to combat terrorism, but they also played a crucial role in state-building and institutionalizing political structures in Afghanistan. This research examines the role of the United States during the presidencies of Bush, Obama, Trump, and Biden in the political developments of Afghanistan. Searches have shown that the United States has played a significant role in Afghanistan's political developments, from the formation of the government at the "Bonn I" Conference in 2001 to the collapse of the republican system in 2021. The finding of this research demonstrate that American leaders have purposed different policies towards Afghanistan, taking into account national interests, the international system, and internal issues within Afghanistan. These policies have ranged from Bush's preemptive attack to Obama's diplomatic efforts and Trump's withdrawal policy, ultimately leading to Biden's definitive withdrawal and the downfall of the republican system. This research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method, drawing on domestic and foreign written sources and authentic sites, within the theoretical framework of Marshaimer's aggressive realism.

The increasing spread of social gaps in the heterogeneous society of Israel and casting doubts on identity symbols of Zionism have challenged the ontological security of this regime. By applying racial discrimination policies, Zionism has faced social elements with structural separation, it has reduced the desires of social forces to support this regime. Assuming various gaps in Israel and with a descriptive-analytical method, the present article answers the question, in Constructivism theoretical framework, that what is the role of identity crisis in formation of the Israelite ontological insecurity? According to the findings, inability to resolve the problems and gaps resulting from internal, have led to make the structure of this regime security-oriented. The formation of this securitized environment along with the use of violence emanating from the Zionist ideology has caused Israel to have a strong tendency to belligerence in such a way that threats and tension have become a part of the ontological security of this government, and the efforts to security been included in Israel's foreign policy. Solving the crisis of ontological insecurity requires a change in the rigid Zionist approach to a soft approach, as well as going through the process of making the government non-security-oriented.

Since the Islamic world is the strategic depth of the Islamic revolution, it seems to be a strategic necessity to pay sserious attention to the development of Islamic movements through the hegemonic plans of the domination system. A network of revolutionary activists in the world arena, influenced by these teachings and within the framework of the axis of resistance against the domination system, are active. Although the axis of resistance as a concept accepted in the political space has always been a subject of discussion, but this axis has been considered as a combination of strategic alliance, security society and ideal network, considering its long-standing anti-hegemonic view against the United States and its regional allies are known in West Asia. What holds this complex coalition network together is a broadly shared normative vision of regional order that exists in member-centered discourse, guided by an ideal heritage, and actualized through spatial practice. The question of the research is raised as follows: What factors strengthen the link between Iran and Hezbollah and the axis of resistance in general? The authors' argument is that the historical-cultural links along with the simultaneous use of intelligent power in West Asia have not only strengthened the relationship between Iran and the resistance front and stabilized the battle of the war fronts ,but also by using the principles of Nomos (religion, religion-law-principles) and key places in southern Lebanon bordering the Zionist regime, J.A. Iran has been able to deepen its strategic influence and deterrence at the regional level. In this article, the spatial concepts of resistance and memorial spaces created by the two actors of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Hezbollah are discussed. Our argument is that nomos (religion-law-principles) is useful as an alternative conceptual tool for understanding the manifestations of order alongside more mainstream approaches.

One of the constant issues in the prevailing theories of international relations is the relationship between ethics and politics. The theory of liberalism, as one of the most influential theories of international relations, has specific political ethics doctrines rooted in its ontological foundations. In this article, an attempt is made to compare these teachings with political ethics in the Alavi seerah. So, the differences and commonalities of political ethics in the Alavi seerah based on Malik Ashtar's treaty and liberalism theory in international relations are pointed out according to ontology to display that the political ethics considered by the Alavi seerah, which is based on Islamic ontology and based on moral values, is essentially different from its Western counterparts, which lack moral norms. The findings of this research indicated that the moral and political doctrines of the theory of liberalism have not only not helped to improve the moral and political situation among the nations, but due to its ontological foundations, moral virtues have been ignored more and more as a result of pursuing self-interested policies. It seems that today's world needs a review of the ethical and political ontology of international relations. In the meantime, studying Alavi seerah can guide the world community toward human virtues and the governance of a humanitarian and ethical environment in international relations.

The main aim of the research is to suggest solutions for consolidating the Islamic Republic of Iran's sovereignty over the three islands of Abu Musa, Big Tunb and Small Tunb. In order to find a solution, the main question of the article is: Can Iran's sovereignty over the islands be secured by de-securitizing the three islands on the one hand and implementing development-oriented policies on the islands on the other? To answer this question, first in the theoretical framework section, Barry Buzan's security theory and endogenous development theory are discussed. It then emphasizes the historical importance of the sovereignty of nations in modern times and then explains the importance of these islands for Iran by referring to Iran's historical sovereignty over these islands. The hypothesis of the article would be Iran's sovereignty over these islands might be consolidated by pursuing the policy of desecuritization in the three islands on the one hand and implementing a development-oriented policy on the other. The authors suggest Islamic Republic of Iran has to promote tourism, establish factories, universities and hospitals and attract foreign direct investment in order to ensure the Iran’s rule on these islands.

The resurgence of Kurdish nationalism discourse in the 21st century in the two modes of “liberation” and “racism” has politically plunged some Kurdish political parties into the abyss of practical politics. The nationalism discourse as the liberation idea in the history of the struggles of the Kurds - as the largest stateless nation among the four countries of Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Syriais of utmost importance. With the formation of the “Kurdistan Autonomous Region” in the north of Iraq, the nationalism idea was able to give objectivity to itself, and this objectification was once again carried out, this time in the north of Syria in the form of “Democratic Federation of Northern Syria”. Based on the historical data on the relations among the countries of the region and the world, and particularly on the Kurdish issue, with the objectification of the nationalism discourse in the two regions of Iraqi and Syrian Kurdistan, the attitudes of the surrounding countries towards the Kurds has changed from a “nationalism idea” to an “objectified nationalism” in the autonomous governments. In the present study, from the perspective of pervasive balance, attempts have been made to answer the question that what effect has Kurdish nationalism and the idea of having an autonomous country of Kurdistan had on the Middle East security equations? Within the framework of Anthony Smith's theoretical approach to historical sociology, the Kurds have used nationalism as an instrument to form a distinct identity and the driving force for having an independent country, and this issue has fashioned a pervasive balance in the four countries of Iran, Turkey, Iraq and Syria.

Turkey's developments from 2001 to 2018 have led officials and policymakers who found themselves in turbulent condition of economic crises, recession and accumulation of inflation in Turkey to see themselves trying to rethink principles. Accordingly, the main foundations of Turkish diplomacy changed from a Westernist strategy to a fluid diplomacy strategy based on the economy, and Africa became an integral part of the country's economic diplomacy policy. Turkey's economic diplomacy in Africa can now be regarded as a tool or a goal in the country's foreign policy. The main question of this article is "what are the goals, strategies and results of prioritizing economic diplomacy in Turkey's foreign policy in Africa?" In response to this question, the main hypothesis of this article is that Turkey needs a pragmatic foreign policy in the Ottoman-African civilization to increase its strategic depth. Therefore, a pragmatic view of foreign policy makes Africa the main base of its pragmatism policy. This article seeks to assess Turkey's economic performance in Africa in the post-Akp era led by Erdogan. The research method of this paper is descriptive-analytical considering its nature.

This article examines the security relations between Europe and the USA in the framework of NATO and during the Bush and Obama administrations. The author tried to show that the security relations between Europe and America started from the time of absolute dependence of Europe on Washington and, later on with the development of the European Union and also NATO, this dependence has gradually turned into mutual strategic cooperation. On the other hand, Europe attempts to form a defensive and security structure independently of the United States and mainly in the framework of NATO, which has led to an improvement in the defense treaties between the Eastern European countries. It seems that Europe seeks to play an equally important role to the USA and is using NATO as a powerful tool for this purpose. In fact, by developing its relations with NATO, the EU is trying to show the capabilities of Europe in crisis management and to make itself independent of the USA. However, America’s attitude towards NATO across the Atlantic is sometimes different, and conservative and democrat governments in America prefer either a mutual coalition or an American initiative.

With the end of the war, the geopolitical structure of the great Eurasian region of Russia, China, the United States and the European Union has engaged in competing for Ukraine and the South China Sea. From the perspective of Moscow and Beijing, the expansion of the United States, NATO and the European Union to the East was aimed at limiting the regional influence of Russia and China. As a result, Ukraine and the South Sea of ​​China have also led to a conflict zone between Russia, China and Western actors over regional influence and even a factor in the disagreement between the United States and the European Union, which is the basis for intensifying tensions and increasing Uncertainty has been created in the Greater Eurasia region. By stating this introduction, the authors suggest that their main question is that the tensions and geopolitical disputes between the United States, the European Union and Russia over the Ukrainian crisis, and the US-China differences with China in the South China Sea and the failure of the European Union with hegemony On the multilateral relations of these countries? The hypothesis of the article is that the disagreements and tensions between the European Union, the United States, Russia and the hegemonic demands in the Ukrainian crisis, the intensification of US-China divisions, and the political, economic cooperation of the EU with the two countries Russia and China, while weakening the European Union's security relations with the United States, have provided the ground for transition from a monopoly to a multi-polar system. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and a tool for collecting library and virtual information

Since 1979, the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran have adopted a hostile policy against each other, although, in different decades, this issue has been severe or weak. For this reason, the authors of this article have assessed the extent to which the two countries have been threatening each other based on Stephen Walt's theory of threat balance. In fact, this article seeks an answer to the question of how much threats these two countries have posed to each other during the period 2016-2021 based on Stephen Walt's theory of threat balance. To find the answer to this question, quantitative and qualitative indicators of threat balance theory variables including total strength, geographical proximity, invasive power and aggressive intentions have been measured. Finally, the findings of this paper show that, given the assumptions of the threat balance theory, the Islamic Republic of Iran is not an immediate and imminent threat to the United States during the above-mentioned period, but the United States of America can be a relative yet serious threat to the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The authors have tried to answer the above question using case study method.

The relations between Iran and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries have had many ups and downs since the foundation of this council in 1981. One of the primary purposes of the PGCC was the confrontation with the Islamic revolution and its ideology. This trend has been strengthening by the expansion of Iran's regional power and its missile and nuclear capabilities. With the beginning of uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa in 2011 and the following expansion of regional competitions, the examination of the PGCC approach toward these developments and its reaction to Iran and the Axis of Resistance as Iran's strategic depth seems noteworthy. Accordingly, the present paper attempts at answering this question: Which security strategy has been followed by the PGCC toward Iran since the Islamic Awakening? 

A review of the existing literature on relations between Iran and the PGCC and their pattern of reaction to the security agendas of the other side shows that despite the existence of many publications and papers in this field (Sadeghi and Naqdi, 2014; Shirazi and Niko, 2014), the issue of the Security Council's security strategy on Iran has so far not been considered from a theoretical or analytical perspective. Some of these papers have even restricted this relationship to the dynamics of Iran and Saudi Arabia (Abuelghanam and Tahboub, 2018; Veisi, 2018; Koushki and Hoseini, 2015). In this regard, it is possible to refer to studies which have examined the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the form of an aggressive realism approach (Mahdian and et al., 2016).

The paper's methodology is an analytical-descriptive approach, and the authors adopt offensive realism as their theoretical framework. Library resources and other content sources, such as articles and dissertations, are used as the main sources of this research.

With the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, the signs of a shift in Iran's regional power equation gradually became apparent. Accordingly, the monarchies (members of the Cooperation Council) saw Iran's growth in nuclear, military, and regional power as a serious threat to their very existence and survival. In response to such development, balancing was used as one of the main components of the Security Council's strategy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran.The escalation of the unrest in the Middle East as a result of the Islamic Awakening coincided with the Council's uncertainty about Iran's intentions (especially Iran's nuclear capability, missile program and regional policy) and its positive assessment of the capabilities of its rulers. Iran's aggression (economic power, military equipment and capabilities, and its political potential to form a coalition led to the aggressive behavior of the Cooperation Council.

At the heart of the PGCC's policies and strategies is their attempts to prevent Iran from becoming a regional hegemony. In line with Trump's strategy for the securitization of Iran's regional policy and managing the Palestinian conflict through the unilateral plan of the century deal, Axis of Arab ties with US plans have expanded.The PGCC, especially Saudi Arabia's Bandwagon Front in the council, has adopted an offensive approach toward Iran and used direct and proxy wars, building of international and regional alliances, and balancing and transferring responsibility to determine their purposes

US mainstream mass media, as a fourth pillar of democracy, have a significant impact on American foreign policy. Nevertheless, the role of US media is not limited to domestic politics rather they would usually shape US foreign policy. Since the Islamic revolution, US media have covered Iran’s events. The US mainstream mass media, as a domestic source of US foreign policy, have had a huge impact on perceptions and misperceptions of American elites and US public opinion. Therefore, the main question of the research is: what is the impact of US mainstream media on American foreign policy toward Iran (2007-2020)? The research method of the article is a qualitative case study research method and its purpose is to study how Iran is represented in the American media. In order to answer the main question, the authors would use neo-classical theory. The hypothesis of research suggest that on the one hand, US mainstream mass media have influenced US elites’ perception about Iran and on the other, US mass media have covered negative opinion of US elites about Iran. In fact, the influence of the US media on the American political elite have continued to negatively portray Iran over the past two decades.

The present article focuses on analyzing the importance of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as one of the main pillars of the One-Belt One-Road Super-Project (BRI) for the Middle East, focusing on Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Oman. This article emphasizes the economic cooperation between Pakistan and the Arab countries, as well as China's influential and increasing trade activities in the Arab world. The countries of the Arab world are also trying to use this super project to achieve economic and political interests in the near future, such as Saudi Arabia's 2030 economic outlook, Qatar's national outlook in 2030 and Oman's outlook in 2040. Countries. The main question of the research is what opportunities has the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor Operational Plan created for Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the UAE and Oman? Discussing opportunities for development and deepening relations between these countries and Pakistan-China: capacity building for regional excellence, simultaneous interaction with East and West, creating different land and sea routes and diversifying energy import bases and increasing energy transfer security for suppliers and It creates consumers in order to provide the benefits and resources needed by these countries.

Abstract The main objective of this article reviews the possibility of or refusal to the formation of strategic partnership relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Republic of China through relying on cultural and identity foundations of the two countries. Relations between Iran and China have faced with a lot of ups and downs in the period after the Islamic revolution, and this, in turn, has cast serious doubt on the possibility of the formation of the strategic relations between the two sides. However, founding the pattern of strategic partnership is considered as the beginning of a new chapter of strategic relations between Tehran and Beijing. Understanding the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and China within the aforementioned framework requires knowing the attitudes and viewpoints of the elites of two countries from themselves, each other and intervening actors. In this connection, the present study utilizes the structural theory to test the hypothesis that cultural and identity factors can have a determining role in jeopardizing their strategic relations as it does in forming strategic cooperation pattern in their relations. Research methodology in this study is causative and the method of data collection is also based on a library method done through referring to books, articles, Internet, etc.

The purpose of the present study is to investigate and identify the political, ideological roots, motivations, and motives of the Houthi movement that has emerged in Yemen in recent years. In this study, the scientific and theoretical reasons of the Houthi movement have been taken into consideration by Dokmajian theory, and the role of Zaydieh and the actions of Yemeni rulers, especially Ali Abdullah Saleh and the ideas of Hussein Al Houthi have been noticed. This paper, using a descriptive-analytical method, shows that in analyzing the causes of the Houthi movement, some internal factors such as political, social, cultural and economic conditions are considered to be a factor for this movement and some other theorists believe external factors, international system and the effects of external events have contributed to this movement. The dynamics of the Houthi movement indicate that it will gain an important place in the political future of Yemen and in power position. Studying the intellectual roots of this movement has mostly political and ideological backgrounds that have fed the will of its followers. Combating oppression, American hegemony, Zionist influence, and the destruction of secularism have a particular place in these ideas, and they emphasize the legitimacy of the political system, justice and the renunciation of evil.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 led to a profound and fundamental transformation in the relations between Iran and the United States. Under the Influence of the transformation, the United States lost its former position as the most active country in Iran›s foreign policy. Meanwhile, issues such as the human rights, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, the missile programs and regional policy of Iran have been at the heart of the conflicts of both sides. Human rights are an integral part of international law, which has an institutional structure and is an integral part of political, economic, social, and cultural action and reactions around the world. Countries have accepted it for the promotion and protection of human rights and committed to support that. Different perceptions of the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran have shaped the categories of power and identity on the differences and disagreements between the two sides in the field of human rights issues. Regarding to this, the present article seeks to answer the main question that the human rights disputed between Iran and the United States can be explained in the light of theoretical and analytical structures. To answer this main question and achieve the research goals, this quest seeks to study the effects of identity and power for the political behaviors of the two countries using the discourse analysis method and referring to the constructive theoretical propositions and neorealism. The Findings show that in their human rights conflict the two countries have used two aspects of power or identity in accordance with the conditions.

The analysis of Iran-Saudi security controversy is a structural aspect of this paper.The powers of Iran and Saudi Arabia, according to a new theory of realism, have always faced the difficulty of insecurity. So, the basic question that make up this paper are as follows: The imbalance in the triangular power balance of the Middle East with the collapse of Iraqi power in 2003howhas led to an intensification of the conflicts as a result of new realism?How does the formation of US competition (as superior power and hegemony of the international system) affect Iran as a major regional power in terms of new realism on Iran-Saudi relations )as second-rate power(?By default, the analysis of the Iran-Saudi conflict is due to the conflicts of the international system, which is overlapping with regional contradictions. Given the fact that Iran-Saudi Arabia has historically a background in conflict of identity, Thus, the conflict with the sectarian form has taken place. From this perspective, structural contradictions have diminished to an ideological conflict. Because the struggle is not a cause, but merely a consequence that has emerged in the form of a sectarian-identity struggle.

The conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia is a traditional conflict with very strong roots. The two countries have not been able to experience lasting peace and convergence, apart from acting under the format of the twin pillars policy of Henry Kissinger before the Islamic Revolution in Iran. A part of the struggle is related to the two countries’ religious-sectarian structure, but the subject of religion cannot explain the formation or emergence of the struggles between the two countries. Therefore, the question is “what are the roots of the formation of the Iran-Saudi Arabia struggle in the region, especially in the Syrian crisis?”

In order to thoroughly examine the struggle, the theoretical framework of geopolitics was adopted. The current paper, while adopting the theoretical framework of geopolitics, tries to examine the main roots of the emergence of the Iran-Saudi Arabia struggle in the region, with an emphasis on the Syrian crisis.

The findings of this study show that the four mainly geopolitical factors of “balance of threat”, “competition for hegemony in the region”, “preparations in the geopolitical conflict between the West and the East” (the new Cold War), and finally “the Axis of Resistance and geopolitical expansion of Iran from Tehran to the Mediterranean” are the most important factors behind the emergence of the struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia.

The identity-normative components act as catalysts to intensify the struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia and are manifested as two main rifts – one being the religious rift (Shia vs. Sunni) and the other being the nationalistic rift (Persian vs. Arab).